St. Ursula and her 11,000 virgins

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The real legend of St. Ursula and her 11,000 virgins is unknown. The information that we have today is conceived through the visions and thoughts of those who the saints had supposedly visited. Along the way, pieces of the story have been left out or neglected to record. We still don't know if Ursula had 1, 11, 1,000, or 11,000 virgins accompany her during her journey because of misinterpretations. But what we do know, is that St. Ursula and her virgins led a fairy-tale type life as they joyously traveled to their martyrdom. This story has created a one-of-a-kind cult dedicated to the virgins. But before their reliquaries and churches could be built, the tale of St. Ursula had to be figured out.


The history of these celebrated virgins of Cologne rests on ten lines, and these are open to question. This legend, with its countless variants and increasingly fabulous developments, would fill more than a hundred pages. Various characteristics of it were already regarded with suspicion by certain medieval writers, and since Baronius have been universally rejected. Subsequently, despite efforts more ingenious than scientific to save at least a part, the apocryphal character of the whole has been recognized by degrees. Briefly, for the solid reconstruction of the true history of the virgin martyrs, there is only the inscription of Clematius and some details furnished by ancient liturgical books. Unfortunately, these latter are very meager, and the inscription is in part extremely obscure. This document, carved on a stone, which may be seen in the choir of the Church of St. Ursula at Cologne, is couched in the following terms


DIVINIS FLAMMEIS VISIONIB. FREQVENTER


ADMONIT. ET VIRTVTIS MAGNÆ MAI


IESTATIS MARTYRII CAELESTIVM VIRGIN


IMMINENTIVM EX PARTIB. ORIENTIS


EXSIBITVS PRO VOTO CLEMATIVS V. C. DE


PROPRIO IN LOCO SVO HANC BASILICA


VOTO QVOD DEBEBAT A FVNDAMENTIS


RESTITVIT SI QVIS AVTEM SVPER TANTAM


MAIIESTATEM HVIIVS BASILICÆ VBI SANC


TAE VIRGINES PRO NOMINE. XPI. SAN


GVINEM SVVM FVDERVNT CORPVS ALICVIIVS


DEPOSVERIT EXCEPTIS VIRCINIB. SCIAT SE


SEMPITERNIS TARTARI IGNIB. PVNIENDVM


Its authenticity, which is accepted beyond the shadow of a doubt by the most eminent epigraphists, has sometimes been suspected without good reason, and Domaszewski is mistaken in asserting that the stone was not carved until the fifteenth century. It belongs indisputably to the fifth century at the latest, and very probably to the fourth. The recent hypothesis of Reise, according to which the first eight lines, as far as RESTITVIT, belong to the fourth century, while the rest were added in the ninth, is more elegant than solid. With still greater reason must we reject as purely arbitrary that of J. Ficker, which divides the first eight lines into two parts, the first being of pagan origin and dating from before the Christian era, the second dating from the second century. But despite its authenticity the inscription is far from clear. Many attempts have been made to interpret it, none of them satisfactory, but at least the following import may be gathered A certain Clematius, a man of senatorial rank, who seems to have lived in the Orient before going to Cologne, was led by frequent visions to rebuild in this city, on land belonging to him, a basilica which had fallen into ruins, in honour of virgins who had suffered martyrdom on that spot.


This brief text is very important, for it testifies to the existence of a previous basilica, dating perhaps from the beginning of the fourth century, if not from the pre-Constantine period. For the authentic cult and hence for the actual existence of the virgin martyrs, it is a guarantee of great value, but it must be added that the exact date of the inscription is unknown, and the information it gives is very vague. It does not indicate the number of the virgins, their names, or the period of their martyrdom. Nor does any other document supply any probable details on the last point. Our ignorance on the first two is lessened to a certain extent by the mention on 1 Oct. in various liturgical texts (martyrologies, calendars, litanies) of virgins of Cologne, now five, now eight, now eleven, for example Ursula, Sencia, Gregoria, Pinnosa, Martha, Saula, Britula, Saturnina, Rabacia, Saturia, and Palladia (Sheingorn, 6). Without doubt none of these documents are prior to the ninth century, but they are independent of the legend, which already began to circulate, and their evidence must not be entirely overlooked. It is noteworthy that in only one of these lists Ursula ranks first.


After the inscription of Clematius there is a gap of nearly five hundred years in our documents, for no trace of the martyrs is found again until the ninth century. The oldest written text, Sermo in natali sanctarum Coloniensium virginum, which seems to date from this period, serves to prove that there was at Cologne no precise tradition relating to the virgin martyrs (Sheingorn, 6). According to this, there were several thousand in number, and suffered persecution during the reign of Diocletian and Maximian. The names of only a few of them were known, and of these the writer gives only one, that of Pinnosa, who was then regarded as the most important of the number. Some persons, probably in accordance with an interpretation, certainly questionable, of the inscription of Clematius, considered them as coming from the East, and connected them with the martyrs of the Theban Legion; others held them to be natives of Great Britain, and this was the opinion shared by the authors of the Sermo (Sheinghorn, 7). Apparently some time after the Sermo we find the martyrology of Wandalbert of Prum, compiled about 850, which speaks of several thousand virgins. On the other hand Usuard, in his martyrology dating from about 875, mentions only Martha and Saula with several others (Sheinghorn, 5). But as early as the end of the ninth century or the beginning of the tenth, the phrase the eleven thousand virgins is admitted without dispute. So how was this number reached? All sorts of explanations have been offered, some more ingenious than others. The chief and rather gratuitous suppositions have been various errors of reading or interpretation, e.g., Ursula and her eleven thousand companions comes from the two names Ursula and Undecimillia, or from Ursula and Ximillia, or from the abbreviation XI. M. V. (undecim martyres virgines), misinterpreted as undecim millia virginum, etc. It has been conjectured, and this is less arbitrary, that it is the combination of the eleven virgins mentioned in the ancient liturgical books with the figure of several thousand (millia) given by Wandalbert (Sheingorn, 7). However it may be, this number is from this day forward accepted, as is also the British origin of the saints, while Ursula is substituted for Pinnosa and takes the foremost place among the virgins of Cologne.


The experiences of Ursula and her eleven thousand companions became the subject of a pious romance, which acquired considerable celebrity. Besides the subsequent revisions of this story there are two ancient versions, both originating at Cologne. One of these (Fuit tempore pervetusto) dates from the second half of the ninth century (6-76), and was only rarely copied during the Middle Ages. The other (Regnante Domino), also compiled in the ninth century, had a wide circulation, but adds little of importance to the first (Sheinghorn, 6). The author of the latter, probably in order to win more credence for his account, claims to have received it from one who in turn heard it from St. Dunstan of Canterbury, but the serious anachronisms which he commits in saying this place it under suspicion. This legendary account is well known In Britain there lived a Christian King who had a daughter, named Ursula, who he loved very much. In fact, the entire country was enamored with her -- for she was filled with dignity, respect, wisdom, and beauty. People from far away lands heard of the Kings remarkable daughter and before long the King of Anglia asked for her to be wed to his only son. The prince, too, very much wanted this marriage to occur yet Ursula and her father, devout Christians, were loathe at the idea of marrying an idolater. In fact, messengers from Anglia delivered heinous threats of what would happen if they had to return without a confirmation of Ursulas hand for the Prince, who was named Ethereus.


Ursula, prayed long and hard and asked for God's guidance in making a decision and protecting her fathers throne. Inspired by God, Ursula advised her father to accept the proposal but only on certain conditions. Both kings should put at Ursulas disposal ten chosen virgins who would each be accompanied by another thousand virgins and the kings should provide ships for a journey for the virgins.


Additionally, she further asked to have three years for herself and Ethereus to dedicate themselves to religious instruction. Surely, they would withdraw their proposal, thought Ursula and her father.


Surprisingly, the Prince and his father accepted these conditions unquestioningly. Thus, men and girls from all around volunteered to accompany Ursula on her travels and she immediately converted them all to Christianity.


While in transit at Cologne, an Angel of the Lord appeared to Ursula in a vision and instructed her to alter her course and go to Rome. Additionally, he prophesied that Ursula and her followers would return to Cologne and achieve martyrdom. Then they followed the river Rhine to Basle. From Basle, Ursula and her companions walked all the way to Rome.


An Angel of the Lord also appeared to Ethereus, now the King after his father's death, and encouraged him to convert his mother to Christianity and meet Ursula in Rome so he, too, could achieve martyrdom. Thus, with his newly baptized mother, his little sister, Florentina, and the Bishop Clement, they embarked on their journey. Also, as Ursula and her followers entered Rome, Pope Cyricus had a vision of what was to occur and absconded his thrown to Ametos to join Ursula.


As Ursula returned to Cologne with her followers she found the city occupied by the Huns, who had been spying on Ursula in fear of the mass spread of Christianity. The Huns massacred all of the young virgins, the Pope, and Ethereus and his family. The leader of the Huns intended to take Ursula as his wife. When she firmly refused, he thrust an arrow through her heart, completing the martyrdom of 11,000 young Christian women.


The literary origin of this romance is not easy to determine. Apart from the inscription of Clematius, transcribed in the Passion Fuit tempore and paraphrased in the Regnante Domino Passion and the Sermo in natali, the writers seem to have been aware of a Gallic legend of which a late version is found in Geoffrey of Monmouth the usurper Maximus, having conquered British Armorica, sent there from Great Britain 100,000 colonists and 0,000 soldiers, and committed the government of Armorica to his former enemy, now his friend, the Breton prince, Conanus Meriadocus. The latter decided to bring women from Great Britain to marry them to his subjects, to which end he appealed to Dionotus, King of Cornwall, who sent him his daughter Ursula, accompanied by 11,000 noble virgins and 60,000 other young women. As the fleet, which carried them sailed towards Armorica, a violent storm destroyed some of the ships and drove the rest of them to barbarian islands in Germany, where the virgins were slain by the Huns and the Picts. When the Barbarians turned to plunder the ships, they thought they saw eleven legions of armed soldiers and fled in fright. Freed from the threat of the Huns, the citizens of the city came outside the walls and buried the martyrs' bodies (Holladay, 74). The improbabilities, inconsistencies, and anachronisms of Geoffreys account are obvious, and have often been dealt with in detail moreover the story of Ursula and her companions is covered with a less ideal character than in the Passions of Cologne. However, several writers have regarded this account since Baronius, as containing a summary of the true history of the holy martyrs. Like the Passions of Cologne, it has been subjected to the anti-scientific method, which consists in setting aside as false the improbabilities, impossibilities, and manifest fables, and regarding the rest as authentic history. As a consequence two essential traits remain the English origin of the saints and their massacre by the Huns; and then, according as adherence is given to the Sermo in natali, Geoffrey of Monmouth, or the Passion Regnante Domino, the martyrdom of St. Ursula is placed in the third, fourth, or fifth century. In order to account for all the details, two massacres of virgins at Cologne have been accepted, one in the third century, the other in the fifth. The different solutions with their variations suggested by scholars, sometimes with levity, sometimes with considerable learning, all share the important defect of being based on relatively late documents, unauthoritative and disfigured by manifest fables.


No conclusion can be drawn from these texts. Nevertheless, the fables they contain are insignificant in comparison with those, which were invented and propagated later. As everyone now unhesitatingly rejects them, it suffices to treat them briefly. In the twelfth century there were discovered in the Ager Ursulanus at Cologne, some distance from the Church of St. Ursula, skeletons not only of women, but of little children, and even of men, and with them inscriptions that is impossible not to recognize as gross forgeries. All this gave rise to a number of fantastic legends, which are contained in the accounts of the vision of St. Elizabeth of Schonau, and of a religious who has been regarded as identical with Blessed Hermann Joseph of Steinfeld. It may be remarked in passing that visions have played an important part in the question of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, as may be seen in those of Clematius and of the nun Helintrude contained in the Passion Regnante Domino. Those of the twelfth century, in combination with the inscriptions of the Ager Ursulanus, resulted in furnishing the names of a great many of the male and female companions of Ursula, in particular, and this will suffice to give an idea of the rest, that of a Pope Cyriacus, a native of Great Britain, said to have received the virgins at the time of their pilgrimage to Rome, to have abdicated the papal chair in order to follow them, and to have been martyred with them at Cologne. No doubt it was readily acknowledged that this Pope Cyriacus was unknown in the pontifical records, but this, it was said, was because the cardinals, displeased with his abdication, erased his name from all the books.


So what happened to the martyrs' bodies after the citizens of Cologne buried them? In 1106 the city of Cologne was in a feud between Heinrich IV and his son, therefore, they received permission from the king to enlarge its boundary wall to incorporate areas to the north, west, and south into the city. During the excavations in the north, near the Church of the Holy Virgins, workmen stuck 'gold' by digging into a Roman cemetery. It was believed that they had discovered the burial place of the entire virgin band. Although the church had contained eleven tombs for a while, suddenly the supposed relics of the whole group were available for excavation, elevation, and veneration (Holladay, 74).


The unexpected discovery of the bones of the eleven thousand virgin martyrs had two immediate consequences. The first was a naturally extensive excavation campaign, and the second was the rebuilding of the church in their honor. As early as 1106 the monks of St. Pantaleon, located at the western edge of the city, relocated the bodies of three members of Ursula's band to the women's convent of Walciodorense. Even such a generous donation, represented only a part of the monks' holdings of the virgins' relics at this date. Since St. Pantaleon was located at the western edge of the city (not near the excavations) it seems that enough bodies had been excavated by this date to allow their distribution to other Cologne churches that held no claim to a part of the cemetery. Likewise, the Benedictine monastery at Deutz, across the river from Cologne, had sufficient relics of the virgin saints that they could spare the body of St. Palmatia and other remains for the monastery a Weissenburg in Alsace in 111 (Holladay, 76). The relics themselves had made their way abroad almost as quickly as the news of the find at Cologne.


The early excavations seemed to have not been carried out by the canonesses at the Church of the Holy Virgins, but by the canons at St. Kunibert's. Only later were the canonesses at the Church of Holy Virgins able to claim the recent finds and have some of the remains of the virgins transferred to their church to rest with their companions who had long lain there (Holladay, 76). Domination by male religious marked this twelfth-century phase of the cult. In addition to the bones transferred to St. Kunibert, St. Pantaleon, and Deutz (all men's houses), St. Norbert, digging for relics of the martyrs at St. Gereon in 111, received a vision that caused him to turn his attention to the holy virgins.


For almost a decade, until 1164, the monks of the Benedictine monastery at Deutz, carried on an active excavation campaign, unearthing hundreds of bodies and transferring them to their abbey. Here the monk Dietrich recorded the names of the saints, which the monks had supposedly discovered on tablets buried with the bodies, but which are now believed to have been made up by the monks themselves. In a further effort to authenticate their relics and to validate their entire enterprise, the monks sent some of the relics and the tablets to the mystic Elizabeth of Schonau in 1155 for identification and authentication (Holladay, 76). As soon as the relics were present at Schonau, the virgins and other saints appeared to Elizabeth in visions, revealing the martyrs' names, complaining about the treatment of their relics at certain sites, and reconciling the existence of the tablets with the existing story of the martyrdom and burial. They also explained the presence of men and children's bones among the virgins' burials as boatmen, clerics who tended to the virgins' spiritual needs, and as men, women, and children who desired martyrdom and burial with the virgin band.


While Elizabeth and the monks of Deutz carried out their activities on the part of the Ursula virgins, during the whole twelfth century, the sources are silent on excavation activity on the part of the canonesses themselves. Elizabeth's accusation that they neglected the relics in their charge seemed to support the claim that their role in the excavations was either non-existent or extremely modest (Holladay, 77).


The canonesses started rebuilding their church at about this time because the church that was in use in 1106, was quickly perceived as inadequate to house the multitudes of new relics that were considered its property. A new and influential church was designed and built with record speed. A great gilt and enamel shrine for Ursula furnished the church, along with a similar shrine for Ursula's fianc�. A third shrine, for the remains of St. Hippolytus, behind the high altar, which was decorated with a new altar frontal was also added.


From about the middle of the thirteenth century until after the middle of the fourth, numerous and convincing evidence documents frenzied excavation activity, accompanied by the involvement of the entire city in the promotion of the cult. The Ursula virgins were a source of enormous pride to the city, a rallying point for community identity with the city's illustrious Roman and early Christian past. Gottfried Hagen's late thirteenth-century Reimchronik records that, in a battle for the control of the city in 165, Archbishop Englebert and his party laid siege on the city for eight days. Only an appearance of St. Ursula and her companions on behalf of the city convinced them to withdraw (Holladay, 80). In a woodcut illustrating this episode, the Ursula virgins were represented differently than other saints. Their portrayal in bust-length, may indicate that it was assumed that the transport of the reliquary busts onto the ramparts had enlisted the saints' aid in the city's defense.


A period of renewed interest in St. Ursula and her companions beginning in the middle of the thirteenth century brought significant changes in the spaces and objects used for the saints' cult. The Dominican monks traveled with the relics of the virgin martyrs to the diocese of Paderborn to raise money for building projects at the Church of the Holy Virgins. It is almost certain that the project they were working on was the new Gothic choir. Soon thereafter a second aisle, nearly twice the width of those in the Romanesque building, was added along the south of the church. Finally at the beginning of the fourteenth century the Romanesque nave was given pointed quadripartite vaults (Holladay, 81). The remodeled choir incorporated new spaces to display and protect the increasing numbers of relics. Grilled compartments under the eleven windows of the new choir were intended for the martyr's bones. Just as the number of the windows recalls the number of virgins, the integration of the virgins' bones into the very fabric of the building itself visualized the saints as the living stones of the church (Holladay, 8).


A number of changes also reconfigured the area of the high altar at the end of the thirteenth century. A new altar with Gothic tracery incorporated the old copper gilt and enamel antependium in the church. The raised back wall of the altar created an effect of a retable; painted figures of the Ursula virgins occupied its eleven arcades (Holladay, 84). Wooden protective covers were also installed over the three shrines behind the altar. The paintings of the altar retable, for the first time, picture the saints of Ursula's cohort as a group of women. In a similar way, the Ursula busts, the unusual but striking wooden reliquaries made for the remains of the virgin band, also insisted on the number and the gender of the group's members. The creation of the busts coincides with renewed excavation and rebuilding between the middle of the thirteenth and the middle of the fourteenth century (Holladay, 85).


The earliest of the preserved busts can be dated about 160-70. After the turn of the century, a furry of activity produced hundreds of the busts before their production tapered off in about 160. Approximately one hundred busts are still preserved at the church of St. Ursula, in the Goldene Kammer. The churches and museums in and near Cologne have about fifty and there are a few isolated examples in France, Switzerland, and the United States, for a total of about 160 preserved busts. Most of the reliquaries represent young women in bust length close to life-size, approximately standing about 40 cm high (Holladay, 87). They are carved in the round and finished in the back. Polychromy in natural flesh tones and hair colors heightens the striking life-like effect, as do stylish garments with brocaded patterns and jeweled, impasto, or punched neckbands (Holladay, 87).


There are three variations from the general description. Some reliquaries extend to waist or hip-length, with a corresponding increase in vertical dimension of about 50 cm or more. These longer busts include arms and hands, which are raised in prayer. A few slightly smaller reliquaries lack the compelling physical presence and one-on-one approachability of the larger busts but resemble them in all other aspects (Holladay, 87). The smaller versions are present in both bust and hip-length. These may have been intended to represent children, such as the bust at the Yale Art Gallery containing a more child-like facial type. Finally, a number of the later reliquaries represent men, such as clerics, nobles, and knights. The male figures are all bust length without arms, besides one exception.


The physical presence of these objects is heightened by a number of other qualities. The busts are carved from wood, and although busts in wood had appeared as early as about 100, metal was still the material of choice for reliquaries of all type in the thirteenth century. The use of wood for the numerous Cologne works may have resulted from economic necessity, but it also seems possible that this still relatively unusual choice may reflect the medieval perception of wood as a living material and therefore able to more closely approximate the look and feel of human flesh (Holladay, 87). Wood was also an ideal support for the naturalistic polychromy that plays an important role in the appearance of these works. Other thirteenth century busts that we know, contained their relatively small relic particles in an indentation in the chest. A gem or crystal, sometimes configured as a brooch within the drapery scheme, would have protected the holy remains from theft or loss. The busts at Cologne, are hollowed out so that they hold the major relic, the cranium, in a manner that approximates the relationship of bones to skin in the living person. Each Cologne bust sits on a thin wooden panel that serves to close the secondary relic chamber in the chest. This effect makes the figures appear as a real person who is standing behind a high-chest wall. A slight smile on the saints' lips on the reliquary appears to make her more human and approachable, while distinguishing them from predecessors and contemporaries (Holladay, 88).


While all reliquaries create a specific visual presence for the otherwise anonymous relics they contain, the cumulative effect of the unusual features of the Ursula busts area life-like appearance that departs dramatically from reliquary bust of earlier date (Holladay, 88). An importance of the busts, is to realize that they focus on the virgins' state of being rather than their activities. A person viewing the busts during the fourteenth century would have found herself confronted by a striking image of a contemporary (sister, neighbor, herself), rather than a narrative of the virgins' deeds, martyrdom, or miracles.


A number of the busts bear the coats of arms of local patrician families. Medievalists typically interpret the inclusion of heraldic devices as records of the patron's identity and his or her pride in the commission (Holladay, 88). The usual prominent placement of the heraldic shields on the busts, similar to brooches or belt buckles, suggests that the coats of arms are intended to make visible a direct connection between the historical virgins and the young women of medieval Cologne. They identify the daughters of the fourteenth century by blurring the relationship between past and present, and by classifying them with their sainted early Christian counterparts.


There were several factors that contributed to the decision that the bust was an appropriate way to commemorate the virgins and contain their relics. Bust reliquaries appeared as early as early as then end of the ninth century, but there are only a few examples before the date of the earliest Ursula busts. Bust reliquaries made in wood were even rarer. The decision to encase the relics of the Ursula virgins in wooden busts, appears as a response to a specific situation. Although we don't have any contemporary documentary evidence that proves us with certain answers, it is guessed that is relates to the intended functions of the busts how, where, and by whom the might have been used (Holladay, 88). Customs documented in Cologne allow the conclusion that the busts were carried in procession on the saints' feast day, October 1. On the feast of St. Ursula, in the presence of a large and devoted population, adolescent daughters of the citizens of Cologne, dressed in golden garments, carried the virgins out of the Goldene Kammer, processing them around the church and through the cemetery before returning them (Holladay, 8). The city consciously and proudly retained and revived old habits and traditions during this time. Thus the role of local girls in the public veneration of the virgin martyrs may date back as far as the busts themselves, to the thirteenth or fourteenth century.


Similar to other biographies of saintly women composed in the Archdiocese of Cologne in the thirteenth century, the Ursula busts also presented role models in a visual form for women who sought predecessors and prototypes for their spiritual practice. Many busts were also created for the male members of the virgins' band (clerics, bishops, fathers, brothers) and made visible the importance of male authority in the virgins' lives (Holladay, 6). The Roman cemetery that was supposed to contain the virgins' remains had also served or the burials of men and children. The male busts probably responded to the physical remains excavated in the cemetery. While the busts of men would have addressed the male devotees of the Ursula cult, they would have also reminded female viewers of the authority figures on whom their spiritual and physical well being depended (Holladay, 6).


There were two other works created to support the interpretation of the busts as visualizing spiritual guides and role models for the young women of Cologne. During the middle of the thirteenth century, an early example of the Schutzmantel Ursula appeared. The image was used on the seal of the abbess at the Holy Virgins. It showed the saint extending her wide mantel over the members of her band and recent followers, promising protection to those who entrust themselves to her care (Holladay, 7). Along with the Schutzmantel Ursula, there is a pair of large winged altarpieces that were made in Cologne in about 150. In the shrine at the altar's interior, full-length figures of the apostles attend the Coronation of the Virgin in the upper row. In the lower, register busts of the Ursula virgins sit in individual compartments around a niche for a particularly prized relic. The Ursula busts, in the altarpiece or individually, send a message of inclusion and mark a positive role fore women within the organized structure of the church.


Although the history of these saints of Cologne is obscure and very short, their cult was very widespread, and it would require a volume to relate in detail its many and remarkable manifestations. To mention only two characteristics, since the twelfth century a large number of relics have been sent from Cologne, not only to neighboring countries but also throughout Western Christendom, and even India and China. The legend of the Eleven Thousand Virgins has inspired a host of works of art, several of them of the highest merit, the most famous being the paintings of the old masters of Cologne, those of Memling at Bruges, and of Carpaccio at Venice.


St. Ursula is the patron saint of Catholic education (especially of girls), Cologne, Germany, educators, holy death, schoolchildren, students, and teachers. She is represented by an arrow, a clock, a maiden shot with arrows, often accompanied by a varied number of companions who are being martyred in assorted, often creative ways, and a ship. She is even cited in helping Christopher Columbus name the Virgin Islands. 14, Christopher Columbus had been searching for a route to India and in doing so; Columbus named the beautiful islands The Virgins in reference to the legendary beauty of St. Ursula and her 11,000 virgins. The legend of St. Ursula and her companions lives on to provide men and women with Christian faith across the world.


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Within this report I will discuss why software configuration management is important. I will introduce four principals of configuration management; configuration management planning, change management, version & release management and system building. I will also cover standards within configuration management and version identification.


Lehman's first 'law' draws attention to a basic property of software systems, which is they evolve or die. One reason there is software change is new requirements, improvements are thought up and old ones become obsolete, evolving technology may cause this. Lehman's second 'law' points to a fundamentally important precept that, when there is software change work has to be done to preserve quality of structure, let alone improve it if need be.


Configuration management


Configuration management is the development and application of standards and procedures for managing an evolving systems product. As discussed above there is many reasons for management of systems, another reason is many different versions within one system. Different versions involve proposals for change, corrections of faults and adaptations for alternate hardware or operating systems. Configuration management keeps a track of all changes made and how these changes have been implemented into the software. Configuration management procedures define how to record and process proposed system changes, relating to system components and methods used to identify versions of system. Configuration management tools are used to store versions of system components, build systems from components supplied and track the releases of version to the customer. Configuration management is sometimes seen as a general software quality management process this could be because manager share quality management and configuration management responsibilities. I have produced a simple diagram to clearly show the root from developer to configuration management;


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Configuration managers are responsible for keeping track of differences between versions, ensuring new versions are derived in a controlled way and releasing new versions to correct customers at correct time. I can here you saying why have different configurations? The answer is many reasons for different configuration;


· Different computers (dell,hp)


· Different operating systems (linux,windows)


· Different client-specific functions


This diagram shows an example piece of software with different configuration and how one configuration can have others based on it.


Configuration management standards


Configuration management process and associated documents should be based on standards such as IEEE 88-18, which defines standards for configuration management plans. The standard should be published in the configuration management handbook or part of the quality handbook. Many standards can be used because all include important comparable processes. Taking some models as examples, ISO 000 and SEI's capability maturity model, organisations must define and follow formal configuration management standards for quality certification. Waterfall model the software is delivered to configuration management team after development complete and individual components tested. The team then takes control of builds and testing of complete system. If any faults are discovered during testing, the specific component is passed back to developer for repair then passed back to configuration management when fault is fixed. This approach influenced the development of configuration management standards and these have an embedded assumption that a waterfall model of the software process will be used for system development. Some organisations have therefore developed to configuration management that supports concurrent development and system testing. This relies on very regular (daily) build if the whole system from its components-


· Time will be set for component delivery. All new versions must be delivered even if incomplete but should provide some functionality.


· New version is built, linking all components to make complete system.


· It's then sent for testing, developers still work on components on previous faults and functionality.


· Faults found are documented and returned. These are repaired for next version.


Advantages of using daily builds include, problems can be found that stem from component interaction early in the software creation, it encourages thorough unit testing of components. Developer are put under pressure not to 'break the build' which causes whole system to fail. Breaking the build refers to the developer delivering a component with errors that wont allow the whole to compile therefore the build will fail, meaning time wasted. Another pro would be less system time is spent discovering and coping with faults that should be found within unit testing. Daily builds need very stringent change management process to keep track of problems that have been discovered and repaired. It also leads to a large number of system and component versions. Good configuration management is therefore essential for this approach to work successfully.


Configuration management planning


Configuration management planning is a plan describing the standards and procedures used for the configuration management. The start point for the plan is a general set of company-wide configuration management standards and are adapted as necessary for each specific project. Configuration management plans should be organised into chapters and include-


· Definition of entities to manage and formal scheme of identifying entities


· Person responsible for configuration management procedures and submitting controlled entities to configuration management team


· Configuration management policies for change and version management


· Tools to be used and processes to be applied when using the tools


· Definition of configuration management database which is used to record configuration information


The most important part of the plan is the definition of responsibilities- who is responsible for delivery of each document or software component to quality team and configuration management. The person responsible for document delivery is not always same person who produced it. This makes it convenient to make project manager/team leader responsible for all documents produced by the team.


Configuration management documents


Large pieces of software will have thousands of documents many being technical documents which present snap shots of ideas for further development; theses are documents subject to frequent and regular change. Other documents include memos, meeting minutes, plans and proposals etc. During the configuration management planning process, you decide exactly which items are to be controlled documents or groups of related documents are to be put under configuration control, these are know as formal documents or configuration items. Projects plans, specifications, design, programs and pre-defined test data suites are maintained as configuration items, documents necessary for future maintenance should be controlled. The document-naming scheme assigns a unique name to all documents under configuration control. If there are relationships between these documents e.g. design documents will be associated with programs, the relations can be recorded by organising the naming scheme so that related documents have common roots to their name, leading to a hierarchical naming scheme. I have produced an example of a document configuration hierarchy.


The initial part of the hierarchy would be the project name, in the project there are four separate tools with the tool name used as next part of the name. Each tool is made up of different named modules which shows two formal documents are required for each managed entity, these are code of the components and set of tests for code. Upon reading about the document-naming scheme I can see one flaw, its project based meaning not reusable for other projects.


Configuration management database


The configuration management database is used to record all relevant information relating to configurations. Database functions are to assist with assessing the impact of the system change and provide management information about configuration management process. Also defining the configuration database schema with procedures for recording and retrieving project information also defined as part of configuration management planning process. The database will provide the answers to the following queries-


· Which customer have which version


· What hardware and o/s is required for version


· How many versions are there and when was they created


· What version relies on particular components


· Outstanding changes required on version


· How many report faults exist on version


Tools


Configuration data should be integrated with version management system. Case tools makes it possible to link changes directly with documents and components affected by change. Links between documents such as design documents and code may be maintained so that it's relatively easy to find everything that must be modified when a change is proposed. Many companies don't use integrated case tools for configuration management but maintain their configuration database as a separate system. The configuration items may be stored in files or in a version management system such as RCS, a well-known version management system for unix. This configuration database stores information about configuration items and references file names in the version management system. Its cheep and flexible but the disadvantages are configuration items may be changed without going through the configuration database and cant be sure configuration database is up-to-date.


Change management


Change is a fact of life for large systems. A defined change management process and associated case tool ensure changes are recorded and applied in a cost-effective way. Change management process comes into effect when associated document put under the control of the configuration management team. May be initiated during system testing or after customer delivery. The first stage of change management is CRF change request form where requests sets out change required to the system. Here is an example of a change management process-


complete(CRF) analyse change request if valid assess how to do change record in database submit to control board if accepted repeat make change


record submit to quality management


until quality adequate


create new version


As well as recording changes, CRF records recommendations regarding the change, estimate cost and dates when change was requested, approved, implemented and validated. CRF should be registered in the configuration database so configuration management team can track status.


Version management and identification


Version and release management are the processes of identifying and keeping track of different versions of the system. Version managers devise procedures to ensure versions may be retrieved when required and are not accidentally changed. They work with customer liaison staff to plan when new releases of system should be distributed. New versions should allows be created by configuration management, this makes it easier to maintain consistency in the configuration database as only the configuration management team can change version information. A system version is an instance of a system that differs from other instances. New versions may have different functionality, performance or may repair system faults. Some versions may have the same functions but are designed for different hardware of software configuration. If there is only a small difference one is called a variant of the other. A system release is a version with the intention to be distributed to the customer, each system release should either include new functionality or be intended for different hardware platform. There will be many more versions than releases because versions are created within an organisation for internal development or testing but not released to customer. Version management is always supported by case tools, which manage the store of each version and control access to components. Large pieces of software have hundreds of software components each way exist in many different versions. Version management should define unambiguous way of identifying each component version, specific versions of components may be recovered for further change. There are three basic techniques which may be used for component identification-


· Version numbering given unique version number


· Attribute-based identification- given name (not unique across versions) and set of attributes that differ in each version.


· Change-oriented identification


Version numbering


In version numbering the system name is joined to version number to create version id- excel .6. Excel is the system name and .6 is the unique version number. A first version could be v1.0 so the next would be v1.1, v1., unless it's a release therefore it would be v.0.Next versions on from this can be v.1, v.. It's a linear one based on the assumption that versions are created in sequence. Here is a diagram to try and make it clear-


The diagram arrows indicate from which version the new one was produced v1. was produced from v1.1. New versions can be produced from older version not just previous version as can be seen when v. is created from v1.. This can happen because problems in v.0 and v.1 have required them to revert back to their last working version. Version numbering is simple but needs good deal of associated information management to keep track of differences. Makes it hard to see which versions have which components.


Attribute based identification


Problems with explicit version naming schemes are that they don't reflect the many different attributes that may be used to identify versions. Examples of these identifying attributes are-


· Customers


· Development language


· Development status


· Hardware platform


· Creation date


If each version is identified by unique set of attributes, it's easy to add new versions that are derived from any of the existing versions. Identified by attribute value, they share most values with their parent version so relationships are maintained. Versions can be retrieved by specifying attribute values, with queries such as the most recently created, range of date etc. Example-


NJA0(lang=java, plat=nt4, date=june18)


Attribute-based identification may be implanted directly by version management system. More commonly, however its implemented on top of a hidden version naming scheme and the configuration database maintains links between identifying attributes and underlying system and component versions.


Change oriented identifying


Attribute based of system versions remove some of the problems of version retrieval that are found with simple numbering schemes. Problem is operator needs to know attributes to retrieve and need to use change management system to get relation between version and changes. Change oriented identification is used for systems rather than components so that versions of individual components are hidden from users of the configuration management system. Change sets may be applied in sequence so that in principle at least a version of the system that incorporates any arbitrary set of changes may be created. Therefore, no explicit version identification is required. The configuration management interacts with the version management system indirectly through the change management system.


Within this report I have explained why and how configuration management is used and the processes to do so and covered version management. If you wish to find more information within this subject here are the materials I have used.


Materials used


www.ask.com


www.google.com


'Software Engineering- concepts and management' by Allen Macro


'Software Engineering' by Ian Sommerville


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The socio political events that followed the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi had a negative impact upon Mâori health that still hasn't been redressed. Through mass land loss during colonisation, Mâori lost much of their traditional ways of doing. Urbanisation and Whanau structural breakdown were compounded by rising unemployment, which, in turn, had disastrous effects on Mâori health. With papatuanuku (earth mother) holding significant spiritual value to Mâori, the loss of their ancestral land is a significant factor in understanding Mâori health today. This essay will endeavour to focus on the socio political events that have resulted in the unemployment of Mâori and how this has impacted upon the health status of Mâori.


On February 6th 1840, Mâori Chiefs and representatives of the British Crown, gathered at Waitangi (and later at other points around the country) to sign - what was lorded as a promise of partnership, the guarantee of sovereignty of Mâori the Treaty. In reality, it was the formalisation of the colonisation of Aotearoa / New Zealand, the day the country became part of the British Empire. The avenue for which land could be acquired to accommodate Britain's growing population of dissatisfied poor. Despite the promise of protection by the Queen of England through the signing of the Treaty, the Crown systematically pillaged Mâori land through conspiracy, alienation, theft and the enforcement of English laws and governance on the Indigenous people of Aotearoa. (Belich, 16).


Prior to colonisation, Mâori had established a prosperous economy providing goods and services essential to the arriving settlers. Iwi and Hapu developed lucrative trading systems with whalers, exchanging produce and pork for necessary items and many Mâori became entrepreneurs by pursuing International trade through the sale of edible fungus in China and digging Kauri gum (Crockett, 000). Mâori were intrinsically entwined with the land. Tangata Whenua (people belonging to their land) relied on the land and sea for survival and, in return, held the land in the greatest esteem. As it provided sustenance and was an integral part of culture, land was treated with the utmost respect and value (Normann & Winiata, 10).


In signing the Treaty, Mâori understood, under article , that they would retain full rangatiratanga (chieftainship) of their land, agreeing to sell to a representative purchaser of the Queen, only that land they were willing to sell for an agreed upon price between the owner and the buyer (Orange, 1). What followed was the systematic betrayal of the fundamental essence of the Treaty of Waitangi through corrupt land acquisition, which stripped Mâori of their ancestral land. Mâori generally cooperated with settlers in the period up to 1860, despite breeches of the Treaty with the 185 Constitution Act whereby European men who owned land were given the vote and the opportunity to stand for election but these rights weren't accorded to Mâori men because of the fact their land was communally owned. Unrest amongst Mâori was evident by 1858, with many Iwi banning land sales which frustrated settlers and the Government as sheep farming was gaining popularity and required large areas of land to be viable. With laws in place that enabled land confiscation of rebels, the Government provoked war by selling land that was under dispute in Waitara in 185. When Taranaki Mâori fought back, wide scale confiscation of land followed throughout Taranaki and then in Waikato (Belich, 18).


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Land wars in the 1860's meant Mâori were displaced from prime productive land to swampy back blocks. Unsurprisingly, it was at this time, Mâori succumbed to the newly introduced diseases of measles and tuberculosis. Alcohol was also destroying many Mâori lives, stripping away traditional values and causing economic hardship. With the means by which they survived stripped away, Mâori health suffered and extinction was being faced by the end of the 1th Century with a population of 40,000 and a life expectancy of 4 for Women and 8 for Men. With culture repressed, land consumed by settlers and the Crown and health and well being in a precarious state, Mâori were in a dire predicament (Belich, 16)


With viable production from what land Mâori had left at a minimum and a capitalist society now in place, traditional Whanau structures were breaking apart. Mâori were forced to move into nuclear families, an alien concept, and leave their land in search of paid employment. Whilst many jobs Mâori found were seasonal, a lot were casual as employment was gained in public works and the private sector. Mâori worked on the farms of settlers (there's a certain irony in this), on the railways and once refrigeration was introduced, in the freezing works (Mikare, 14). Some Iwi maintained what economic control they could and the fact that Mâori owned and operated 5 of the commercial fishing vessels in the early 100's, is evidence of this but for most Mâori, it was a case of participating in, an European economic structure, rather than maintaining their autonomy from it (Moon, 00).


The Government of the time ensured Mâori remained disadvantaged with the passing of many acts designed to alienate them. In 1871, the Native Schools Amendment Act set out that teaching in schools would be conducted in English only. This was one of the founding factors in the subsequent loss of Mâori language by following generations. In 1880, the Mâori Prisoners Act made provisions that allowed for Mâori to be imprisoned without trial. The 1886 Native Lands Administration Act disallowed communal ownership of land, an inherent feature of Mâori land ownership. This allowed Mâori land to be handed to small groups of trustees and subsequently sold. In 184, the Advances to Settlers Act gave loans to white settlers at a low interest rate, so they could purchase land from the Government for development. With the Government conspiring against Mâori on many facets, issues regarding their treatment and the Treaty were gaining momentum amongst Mâori (Murphy (ed) 17).


During the 1870's, Mâori devoted a lot of time to discussing ways in which to have their land returned and their mana retained and in 188 a Nga Puhi delegation petitioned Queen Victoria, regarding their grievances with their Treaty partner and asked for her to initiate an investigation into the abuse of Mâori authority. They were also seeking consent to form a Mâori Parliament to run along side the European one (Murphey (ed), 17). Mâori, at this time, had only four seats in Parliament, which were obtained at a time when Mâori still owned much of the land. It appears that the 1867 bill was passed so that it would look as though Mâori had some influence in the Governance of Aotearoa / New Zealand although this was not the case as Mâori only had four voices (seats in Parliament) out of seventy and combined with language barriers, Mâori found the representation of little use (Belich, 16). This, however, did not stop Mâori attempting to utilise the constitutional process. Hone Heke, the Northern Mâori representative presented a bill in 184 that would give Mâori a separate constitution with Mâori property administration being the main intention. Heke outlined in his bill that, in accordance with the Treaty of Waitangi, Mâori should be allowed their own governance and to administer their own land (McIntyre & Gardener (eds), 171). The majority needed in Parliament for Heke's bill to be passed was not obtained.


With the establishment of capitalism in Aotearoa / New Zealand, came the inevitable class disparities that go hand in hand with it. Mâori, displaced through their land loss became the unskilled, low paid worker, which contributed to the ever-widening socio economic gap (Belich, 16). Decimation of spiritual as well as economic and traditional way of life because of land loss, coupled with a change of diet, meant that Mâori health suffered (Hand, May 18). Dr (Rangimarie) Rose Pere identified in her model of health Te Wheke (the octopus) the uniqueness of Mâori health and that many factors contribute to health and well being. She built her model around eight components Wairuatanga, Hinengara, Tinana, Whanaungatanga, Whatumanawa, Mauri, Mana ake and Te hâ a koro mâ a kui mâ (spirituality, mental well being, physical well being, extended family, emotions, life force, unique identity and inherited strengths) with each concept (tentacle) being intrinsically related to each other (Pere, 17). It is obvious to see that colonisation removed the foundations Mâori require to maintain health and well-being.


With confidence and self esteem 'part of mauri [life force], which is central to the concept of te taha hinengaro' [mental and emotional well being] (Ropiha, 1 10), it's little wonder that Mâori health continued to suffer throughout the 0th Century. In 108, the Tohunga Suppression Act effectively prohibited Tohunga from making use of their skills and imposed penalties on those who were practiced in Mâori medicine and spirituality. When the first welfare provision was introduced in 188 (Old Age Pensions Act), Mâori were not included with in these provisions. Despite this (and other) legislative violations of the Treaty, Mâori resolve continued and 108 was also notable because this was the year that the first Mâori nurse was registered. (Binney, Basset & Olssen, 10)


Welfare provisions increased throughout the early part of the 0th Century but it wasn't until the introduction of, what was termed the welfare state, by the first Labour Government that any real consideration was given to Mâaori. Labour had two Mâori MP's and was swept into power with their election campaign policy 'to set things to rights…give jobs and equality of employment opportunities…provide health and education to all…to raise the living standards of Mâori' (Sutch, 166 176). The first state houses were built in 17 but the biggest overhaul came in the form of the 18 Social Security Act. This ensured Mâori received the same benefits as Europeans for the first time and offered regular income and for many Mâori was the only option available to improve their living standards which had continued to decline through assimilation and urbanisation (Beatson, 15).


New Zealand's economy remained buoyant throughout the 140's and 50's. Wool, dairy and meat products were the countries main export earners but Mâori, instead of having the means by which to benefit substantially from the economic boom their land, they were instead employed in secondary industries. This meant that when there was a down turn in exports in the late 160's and 70's, Mâori were among the first to suffer unemployment and the effects of high inflation. This was compounded further in the 180's when privatisation and deregulation were implemented and large public companies suffered through the monopolisation of the market under these policies. This resulted in wide spread closures and redundancies within many industries and, because many communities were built around these companies, the effects of closures were catastrophic. More than 40,000 Mâori lost their jobs with the sale of state owned assets and subsequent downsizing (Beatson, 15). The impact of this can be seen in the unemployment figures for the period. Whereas there was 8.5% unemployment amongst Mâori in 186, this figure rose to 0.6% in 10. In comparison, the figures for non Mâori were % (86) and 6.5% (0) (Dept of Statistics, 1).


The health of Mâori has been poor throughout the history of colonisation. This could be the result of an unequal distribution of health services but the unfair distribution of resources that influence and enhance health are probably more influential. These resources involve, not only financial stability but also the understanding of the definition of Mâori health by Mâori. Drurie (185) states that te taha wairua (spiritual well being) is the 'basic requirement for health' (Drurie, 185 484). Land, traditions, mythology, history, family and other social relationships are all intrinsically entwined and play important parts in the development of self worth and identity for Mâori. Unemployment has a powerful effect on mental health with a resulting loss of self-esteem which was earlier shown to be central to well being. This can have a profound effect on the ability to seek employment. The resulting unemployment effects health which, in turn, reduces the likelihood of employment being gained and so a cycle of poverty begins (Drurie, 185).


Unemployment lowers the likelihood of the individual or Whanau having other health prerequisites such as education, adequate income and housing. Other factors that have found to be contributing factors in the disparities of Mâori health include a lower than needed level of access to primary health care and institutional barriers to secondary and tertiary care. Evidence throughout history shows that a person's position in society will determine their health outcome and life expectancy and this is no different today. Socio economically disadvantaged people have shorter life expectancy and greater health issues and the health of Mâori reflects this (Davis & Dew, 1). Mâori have a higher risk of heart disease, cancers and diabetes than non-Mâori. There is more likelihood that Mâori will be injured or die from violence, be hospitalised or die from road crashes, be a low birth weight baby or die during their first year of life than non Mâori. And the risk of contracting an infectious disease such as tuberculosis, rheumatic fever or pneumonia is higher in Mâori than non Mâori (Ministry of Health, 1).


Governments over the past decade have finally begun to identify and address the deficiencies that have been apparent in Mâori health needs for some time. Recognition of, not only financial hardship as a catalyst to poor health but the removal of autonomy and independence has brought with it the realisation that it is incorrect to presume that all people have the same definition of health. They have acknowledged that bi culturalism means working 'with' Tangata Whenua as equal partners and that Mâori health is multi faceted and the uniqueness of the individual needs to be acknowledged. Mâori health providers, who provide health care for Mâori by Mâori have been initiated in an attempt to stem the disproportionate numbers of Mâori suffering the effects of ill health and both the education and health sectors have introduced education programmes such as Treaty of Waitangi workshops and Kawa Whakaruruhau to ensure health professionals can learn to identify that Mâori are unique and have unique health needs, which need addressing in a culturally safe manner.


The effects of colonisation on Mâori were devastating in their impact. Mass land confiscation and theft through the legislative violations of the Treaty of Waitangi, left Mâori alienated from their traditional ways of doing and knowing. This subsequently led to unemployment once a capitalist system was in place in Aotearoa / New Zealand. With Mâori essence fundamentally entwined with their spiritual well being, being displaced from their ancestral land negatively impacted upon their health in many ways. Not only weren't they able to live the way they always had, from the land and sea but their Whanau structure was also broken up. Rose Peres Te Wheke model of Mâori health gives us an insight into the importance of ensuring that Mâori health is treated as a whole and incorporates their fundamental spiritual beliefs. Whilst there is no way to correct past wrong, the acknowledgement of Mâori rights to autonomy is the first step in a process of retribution. With health and welfare professionals learning the principles of partnership, protection and participation, it appears that the disparities in Mâori and non Mâori employment and health statistics may, in time close.


References


Beatson. P., (15), New Zealand History, New Zealand Society. Study Guide 1, Palmerston North Massey University


Belich. J., (16), Making Peoples, New Zealand Penguin Press


Belich. J., (18), New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial conflict, Auckland Penguin Press


Binney. J., Basset. J. & Olssen. E., (10), The People and the Land. Te Tangata me Te Whenua. An Illustrated History of New Zealand 180 10, Wellington Allen & Unwin


Crockett. J.(ed), (000), Translation of Dom Felice Vaggloli History of New Zealand and its Inhabitants, Dunedin University of Otago Press


Davis. P. & Dew. K., (1), Health and Society in Aotearoa New Zealand, Auckland Oxford University Press


Department of Statistics, (1), Report of the review of Committee on Ethnic Statistics, Wellington Department of Statistics


Hand. D., (May 18), Indigenous Health in New Zealand 'by Maori for Maori', Australian Nursing Journal, 5(10) 18 0


McIntyre. W. D. & Gardner. W. J. (eds), (171), Speeches and documents on New Zealnad History, Oxford Clarendon Press


Mikaere. A., (14), Maori Women Caught in Contradictions of a colonised Reality. Kawa Whakaruruhau Course Handbook (00), http//www.waikato.ac.nz/law/w/v/14/article6-mikaere.html


Ministry of Health, (1), The State of Mâori Health. Key facts from Our Health, Our future Hauora Pakari, Koiora Roa The Health of New Zealanders 1. Retreived on April 7th 00 from the World Wide Web http//www.moh.govt.nz/moh.nsf/4ba80c00757b8804c5667001d47d0/c6066ec04ee1814c5687f007bc1d/$FILE/honzfact.pdf


Moon. P., (00), Te Ara Ki Te Tiriti The Path to the Treaty of Waitangi, New Zealand David Ling Publishing


Murphy. T. (ed), (17), Te Pumaomao. An Awakening to Rediscover and Celebrate Mana Mâori, New Zealand Taranaki Polytechnic


Naumann. R. & Winiata. F., (10), Te Ao O Te Maori The World of the Maori, Auckland New House Publishers Ltd


Orange. C., (1) The Treaty of Waitangi, Wellington Bridget Williams Books


Pere. R. R., (17), Te Wheke A Celebration of Infinite Wisdom (nd ed), New Zealand Ako Ako Global Learning Ltd


Ropiha, D., (1), Kia Whai te Maramatanga The effectiveness of Health Messages for Mâori, Wellington Ministry of Health


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Teams and leadership

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Teams and Leadership


This Essay will discuss my experiences of teams and leadership. It will discuss my experience as a team member at work or outside work. It will also talk about my team membership experience within the unit teams and leadership and my experience as a leader. It will then go on to discuss the different stages that contribute to establishment of effective teams, roles of team members, evaluate my preferred role within a team, analyse the key functions of an effective team leader and finally assess the four main leadership styles and the context in which it may be most successful. I will commence this essay by defining teams and leadership and the different types of teams. I will then progress to my personal experiences.


A team can be defined as a group of people working together to achieve a certain goal and objectives. They usually have a defined task or tasks, which were already set, and everyone in the team has a specific or defined role to play. For example, a football team, every player has a role to play on the field in order to win. They are said to be dependent on each others efforts. An effective team is one that achieves its aim in the most efficient way and is then ready to take on more challenging tasks if so required. Members of an effective team are likely to be united in a common purpose, trust each other, be committed, be open with each other, accept consensus decisions, and support one another and work through conflict. There are probably no clear and finite stages of development. Here are some phases of team development. People sometimes distinguish between Hierarchical tams and Expect teams.


In a Hierarchical team there is leader, who is responsible for the teams overall act and assign the tasks to the other team members. There is a clear chain of authority, based on level of responsibility. (See diagram below)


Hierarchical team structure


This structure is usually used in companies. For example the Director will be on the top followed by the managers and then followed by the workers and the co-workers.


In an Expect team, the members are chosen for their particular skill and there is a team co-ordinator rather than a team leader. (See diagram below)


Expect team structure


This type of structure is mostly used with in sports teams, whereby you have everyone with the same responsibility but different skills to help achieve the task (which is winning the match).


According to Tuckman there four stages team development and these are as follows-


Forming is when a team is just made or created. No one knows what to expect of anyone. Sometimes they may not know each other. The leader is not known to them yet and they do not know what behavior will or will not be appropriate. They are also unsure of what their objectives are. In this case, everyone awaits the rules and the methods to be employed.


Storming is when conflict arises and the capability of the leader is challenged. They may be doubt about whether there are sufficient resources to meet the demands of the tasks ahead. People react emotionally against its demands.


Norming is when the group begins to attune. They start to sort out all their conflicts and people start to co-operate on the tasks, plans are made and work standards are laid down. Communication views and feelings develop.


Performing is when the team is fully functional. The group structures itself or accepts a structure, which fits most appropriately with its common tasks. Constructive work on the task surges ahead; progress is experienced as more of the groups energy is applied to being effective in the area of their common task.


For example, I was in a team of six people and we were given three tasks to perform. Our group performed very well and there no arguments or disagreements what so ever. According to the stages of team development, our group only went through the three of the four stages, which were, forming, norming, and performing. We started of by finding out what the tasks were and the objectives. Then we all decided that Dale was going to do all the writing, this was the forming stage for us. We also established the group culture on how we would do the tasks and the tea breaks that we needed. Our group did not go through the storming stage whereby there were any disagreements, competition and conflicts in the personal relations. The norming stage for us was basically sharing our views on the tasks and speaking and listening to each other. Finally the performing stage was we all felt we belonged to the group and completed the tasks set.


The types of behaviour in which people engage are unlimited. But the range of useful behaviours, which make an effective contribution to team performance, is limited. These behaviours could be grouped into a set numbers of related clusters to which the term team role is applied. "The term team role refers to a tendency to behave, contribute and interrelate with others at work in certain distinctive ways". (R.Meredith Belbin, P.4). According to Belbins book, there are nine teaming roles and the following are roles and description of team members.


Plant / Innovators in a team are creative, imaginative, and serious minded. They tend to solve difficult problems. They are known, as the Genius, has assertive self-confidence with uninhibited self-statement. They have a strong capacity for advancing new ideas/strategies, which can transform teams thinking. They tend to ignore details, too occupied to communicate effectively and can be a difficult and uncomfortable colleague.


Resource investigators are extroverts, enthusiastic, communicative and curious. They are capable of exploring new opportunities. They have an ability to respond to challenges. Due to their cheerful and positive character, it helps the team maintain good relationship. They are not very creative but stimulate good ideas in others. They are usually overoptimistic and lose interest, once initial enthusiasm has passed.


Coordinators / chairman are mature, confident, calm and controlled. They have a capacity for treating and welcoming all potential contributors on their merits and without prejudice. They have a strong sense of objectives and can also be seen as manipulative and delegates personal work. They are no more than ordinary in terms of intellect or creative ability.


Shapers are challenging, dynamic, outgoing and thrives on pressure. Has the drive and courage to overcome obstacles. Usually likes action, quick results, willing followers and leads from the front. They are less effective in formal structured teams and needs to exercise self-discipline, adopt more coordinating role as opposed to leading.


Monitor evaluators are sober, strategic and discerning. They see all options and judges accurately. They usually have high I.Q. They have a strong critical thinking ability, analyse ideas and evaluate feasibility. They tend to be intellectually competitive; can cause conflict, not made easier by fact that he/she is usually right, they can also be seen as least highly motivated team members.


Team workers are socially oriented, cooperative, mild perceptive and diplomatic. Have the ability to respond to people and to situations, and to promote team spirit. Team workers can prevent disruption and conflict. They are loyal to the team. They can step in to minimize the friction innovators can cause unknowingly and shapers uncaringly. They can be easily influenced. There are likely to be missed if not there.


Implementers are disciplined, predictable, conservative and efficient. They have an organising ability, turn ideas into practical actions, and are hardworking and self-disciplined. Have good deal of trust, belief in people, sees their talent as resources rather than a threat to him/her. Lack of flexibility and slow to respond to new possibilities. Completers / finishers. They are painstaking, conscientious, anxious and orderly. They search out errors and omissions made by the team. They have to make sure everything is perfect. They have a capacity to follow through. Usually nag colleagues, communicates a sense of urgency. A disadvantage is that, they are not always easy to live with because they could lower morale.


Specialists are single-minded, self-starting and dedicated people. Specialists provide knowledge and skills in rare supply to the team. But contributes on only a narrow front. Dwells on technicalities and overlooks other things.


I took a self perception inventory and found out that I am more of a completer/finisher, someone that is "anxious, compulsive, introverted (shy) and tense". The self inventory also states that I am someone that gets concerned, and nags colleagues. This best describes my character when it comes to me playing my part in a team. It is true that I am more of the completer; I like to finish off the work and nag the rest of the team members on playing their part. The inventory also says that without me that team would fall behind schedule, forget about the less urgent matters. I do agree with this, because there was a time when my team was set some tasks as I began to worry that we would not finish and ended up carry out one of the task myself.


Leadership is the act of leading. Leadership is the process in which an individual gains that trust and commitment of others and without reliance on formal positions or authority moves the group to accomplishment of one or more tasks. (Walter F Ulmer, Jr). Leadership is also known as the ability to get people to do what they dont like to do and like it. (Harry S Truman). At times, groups might elect leaders but their role was essentially picking up the functions which members failed to provide. Groups such as trade unions or sports club choose their leaders who are ultimately responsible for the group. When a task is given to the group, higher authority appoints the leader, to tackle it. If given a difficult, a leader who exercises the art of leadership properly will generate sense of responsibility in everyone in the team. But he alone is accountable for the task. An example is at work, in a call centre; I work as a Customer Service Representative and I have to make sure I answer every call that comes through to me. I have a team leader who makes sure that I do my job properly, which is to be polite and make sure there is good quality conversation between myself and the customer. If anything wrong was to happen like how many calls I was taking or using the wrong protocols then my leader would not be questioned but I would


The primary responsibility as a leader as everyone knows is to ensure that a group achieves its common task. It has to be a common task, one that everyone in the group can share because they see that it has value for the organisation and affects them directly or indirectly. In order to be successful as a team leader in any given task, it will be necessary to pick out some functions that should be fulfilled while working in teams. The first thing that should come to mind is defining the task. Most of the time, the task is usually given to the group leader who will then pass it on to the others and define the objectives or targets to them. For example during my business studies lecture in secondary school, we were given a task to do in my group and the task was only explained to me. I had to go to the other group members to explain what was required of us. Being a leader in that case I had to be careful about the information I will be passing on to the other team members because if I give the wrong information to the team, the wrong work will be done. Defining the task basically entails telling the group the objective you have been given. What needs to be done, why and breaking down an aim into objectives for other group members. Re-define the purpose towards the end of the task to create more objectives. A leader should make sure they understand the task before explaining to other team members and not using the wrong language.


Planning is another good function of an effective team leader. Planning is also known as arranging beforehand. This is a process of searching for the best way a task should be carried out. It will be useful to memorize Rudyard Kiplings checklist while planning which includes what, why, when, how, where, and who. These questions are usually asked in order to be clear of exactly what needs to be done. Contingency planning is one aspect of planning which experienced leaders tend to pay more attention to than others. A leader cannot foresee every eventuality. It will be wise for a leader to build a certain amount of flexibility into his/her plan so that he/she will not be caught out by unforeseen happenings.


Briefing also known as instructing is a function of a leader. It comments on the two previous functions. After a briefing is done, questions arise such as does everyone know what their jobs are and has each member of the group clearly defined targets as agreed between him/her and the leader. The main purpose of a briefing meeting is to allocate tasks to groups and individuals, to distribute resources and to set or check standards of performances. There are five briefing skills, which are usually used for a group for effective action. Preparing is the ability to think ahead and plan your communication and anything else that needs to be said. Clarifying is the ability to make clear or understandable. Simplifying is making complicated matters simple. Vivifying is to make a subject come alive. Natural is the ability to be you and cope with nerves in front of an audience.


Controlling involves both checking against standards and directing the course of work in progress. The success at directing, regulating, restraining or encouraging individual and team efforts on the task and in meetings is the criteria for testing a leaders effectiveness as controller. A leader should try to maintain a balance between controlling too tightly and giving too much freedom to the team.


Evaluating is determining the value of what has been alone. This is an important function, which assesses consequences, evaluating teams' performance, appraising and training individuals and judging people. As a leader it is important to develop good judgment about people. Avoid having favorites. The test of your ability in this respect lies in the performance of the people you have appointed. The function of evaluating means that the leader will give both the group and the individual feedback when the task is achieved.


The ability to move and excite people to action is called motivation. A leader has to be able to get the group and its individual members moving and in the right direction. The leadership should make sure that the physiological and security needs of the individual are met. If motivations and good job satisfaction are to be good, each individual must receive adequate recognition for his achievements and feel that he/she as an individual is developing, that he/she is advancing in experience and ability.


Organising is the function of arranging or forming into coherent unity or functional whole. It can mean systematic planning as well. Organizing means the structuring that has to be done if people are to work as a unit with each element performing its proper part. A leader should become very good at managing time, for it is the most precious resource.


A leader cannot help setting an example but the question is whether it will be a good or a bad one. When a leader is setting a good example people will tend not to be too aware of it, but they will certainly notice and comment upon a bad example. I cannot hear what you are saying, for what you are, is thundering in my hears, as the African proverb puts it. A leader needs to be very careful with what he/she does because people tend to notice what is being done more than what is being said. Many leaders of creative groups perform their functions as supporters, team builders etc because it is in their nature, though it must be added that to be effective it is certainly easier if ones natural style is consonant with the culture of the organization as a whole.


In Philip Sadlers book on Leadership, he went on to explain the four styles of leadership, which are autocrative, persuasive, consultative and democractive while John Whatmore explained three leadership styles in his book Releasing Creativity. He mentioned the


Autocratic, democratic and manipulative leaders. His description of the democratic and autocratic leadership styles are the same but the manipulative leaders are highly skilled at setting up situations in ways that will enable members of the group whether consciously or unconsciously to produce appropriate performances. I chose to assess the four styles by Philip Sadler. The four main styles of leadership, which any leader could fall into, are autocratic, democratic, persuasive and consultative leadership.


The autocratic leadership is when the leader takes decisions and imposes them on the group and expect them to do as he ask with no questions. There are occasions and situations in which autocratic leaders produce outstanding creative performances from their groups. Autocrats will be most successful on task-oriented projects, which have agreed criteria for success, where they play roles of organizer and controller. For example, in an emergency where an immediate decision is demanded, an autocratic style is likely to be most appropriate and would normally be considered justified by the group.


The democratic leader encourages members of his/her group to share the decision taking process and sees him/herself as a coordinator of group effort, rather than as the decision taker. The leader will allow the decision to emerge out of the process of group discussion instead of imposing it on the group as its boss. In this case the leader shares not only the work but also the leadership. I personally think this is the best style of leadership because this enables one to speak freely and you're happy to be within the team because the leader brings himself down to everyones level. I think this brings about a better working environment. This style is appropriate in instance where the nature of the responsibility associated with the decision is such that group members are willing to share it with their leader or the leader is willing to accept responsibility for decisions, which he/she has not made personally.


In the persuasive style, the leader also takes decision for the group without discussion or consultation but believes that people will be better motivated if they are persuaded that the decisions are good ones. He or she usually does a lot of explaining to overcome any possible resistance to hat he or she wants to do. The leader puts a lot of energy into creating enthusiasm for the goals he/she has set for the group. This style tend to fit situations in which the group leader, and he/she alone possesses all the information on which the decision must be based and which at the same time calls for a very high level of commitment and enthusiasm on the part of group members if the task is to be carried through successfully.


The significant feature of consultative leadership is that the leader confers with the group members before taking decisions. In this case, the leader considers their advice and their feelings when framing decisions. He may not always accept his sub-ordinates advice but they are likely to feel that they can influence the leader. This style is to be most appropriate when there is time in which to reach a considered decision and when the information on which the decisions need to be base is distributed among the members of the group. The fact that different styles are appropriate to different situations would simply be that the skilled leader varies his/her style according to the nature of the situation facing the group.


This essay has discussed the stages that contribute to establishment of effective teams, roles of team members and my preferred role within a team. It has also discussed the functions of an effective team leader and the four main styles of leadership and the context in which they may be most successful. This essay gives some examples of my personal experiences at work and in class where I worked within a team and being lead by a leader.


Bibliography


John Adair


Effective Leadership 1, 18


Gower Publishing Ltd


London


John Adair


Effective Teambuilding 186, 187


Gower Publishing Ltd


London


John Whatmore


Release Creativity 1


Kogan Page Ltd


London


Philip Sadler


Leadership 17


Kogan Page Ltd


London


R. Meredith Belbin


Team Roles at work 1


Oxford


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