Know Your Market

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INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

ITCo has been in business for 6 years and was formed with the intention of being a company that provides innovative marketing database solutions tailored specifically to the marketer. The business started with ad hoc Bureau work using proprietary software that enabled work to be conducted faster than most other Bureaux in the market place.

In 17 we developed a new product that enabled Clients to access and query their data via a secure web link (Quick Counts) and this became a market leader for this type of product. In the years since, many more companies have released their own versions of this type of software that has more functionality than our original product. We have only discovered this when we have attended industry exhibitions or have feedback from our sales force, which has only recently been expanded to three personnel as opposed to one less than 10 months ago.

We have recognised that we had not paid attention to the market in the past three to four years and our revenues were suffering as a result. A five year tactical plan was implemented in 001 which saw the introduction of a marketing department for the first time in our history. Much of the past 1 months has been devoted to setting up the foundations as well as upgrading our sales collateral and launching our company brand. In 00 a five year strategy was finalised that includes a theme of "Innovation" where the focus must now be on developing innovative solutions to meet the needs of the market place. Part of the preparation for the Strategy included some unstructured market research that sought to identify our market arena, its potential growth and other markets that we perceived we have some cross over in.

4 RESEARCH PURPOSE

In order to fulfil the needs of the company strategy we now need to identify gaps in our current product offering that do not meet current Client and prospect functionality requirements in the Enterprise Marketing Automation (EMA) market. This will enable the marketing department to write an Initial Proposal for our new R & D department that will enable them to re-develop our product offering with the aim of increasing new business sales.

4.1 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

I. Establish EMA Market size and potential growth for next to years

II. Identify target market segments by data volume, decision making unit (DMU) and level of technical expertise.

III. Understand Client issues in terms of their marketing role and their requirement to meet their company business objectives.

IV. Identify Client and Prospect database marketing functionality requirements.

V. Examine reasons for lost new business sales and current barriers to new business sales.

VI. Establish need to new channel (i.e. email & sms) integration into required functionality.

VII. Compare our current offering to our direct competitors' offering in terms of functionality and look & feel.

4. PRESENTATION AND USE OF RESULTS

The results should be presented in the form of a written report clearly separating the following sections

I. Market size and growth. To include

- Graphs depicting market growth patterns in EMA, CRM and Data Warehousing markets.

- Identification of issues currently being discussed but no figures are available.

- Boston Matrix showing position of ITCo in relation to total market value and key competitors to help validate the need to improve our solution offering in terms in revenue generation.

II. Competitive offerings broken down by at least the following criteria

- Web or desktop solution

- "Point and Click" or "Drag and Drop" querying (and "Other" if applicable)

- Ability to run train of thought queries

- Ability to create segments based on queries and apply them to the data set

- Ability to save query criteria and results

- Graphical display of query results (include types of graphics available)

- Ability for user to profile counts against a set universe.

- Ability for User to define profiling universe

- Ability for user to import modelling code to dynamically apply to data in order to query data

- Integration with Client's own databases or need to have vendor's database

- Ability to plan, execute and track off-line and on-line campaigns

- Ability to extract data

- Any other criteria that may come out from research

III. Market issues

- This may include data quality, speed of data turnaround from data receipt to data extraction, cost of solutions, expertise & training required and perception of the EMA software market.

- Whatever the issues, themes must be clearly stated.

IV. Market requirements

- This must be broken down by the same criteria used to compare competitive offerings as well as any new criteria that is uncovered in the course of the research.

Where possible the results must be split down by the market segments established in objective II and if volumes are too small to make results meaningful then this must be made very clear in the presentation.

The report must be sent via email to the Marketing Department (mailtomarketing@ITCo.co.uk) by 14th December 00 and the findings to be presented to the Board by December 0th 00.

4. SPECIAL FACTORS

There is no budget available for the purchase of secondary research reports but there is budget for primary field research and all expenses will be paid if this requires travel, subsistence or Client entertainment. This should, however, not exceed £1500 in total. Internal expertise is available for the design and distribution of web enabled questionnaires and any requirement for this must be specified with at least one week's notice.

There no other special factors to be considered in this research and we are happy for the ITCo name to be used when discussing any issues with Clients or prospects. We will provide a list of current Clients and any issues we are currently aware of so that the researcher is aware of any sensitive topics of conversation.

5 SURVEY DESIGN

In order to achieve the objectives of the research brief the survey design will include two key stages that will make the most effective use of time and resources. The first stage will make use of information that already exists for other purposes and this is known as Desk Research. The second stage will then take the form of work conducted specifically for this research brief and will involve work not done anywhere else to meet the research objectives. This is called Primary Research.

It is also important to re-state the research objectives to ensure that the work conducted fully meets the expectations of ITCo. The objectives are

I. Establish EMA Market size and potential growth for next to years

II. Identify target market segments by data volume, decision-making unit (DMU) and level of technical expertise.

III. Understand Client issues in terms of their marketing role and their requirement to meet their company business objectives.

IV. Identify Client and Prospect database marketing functionality requirements.

V. Examine reasons for lost new business sales and current barriers to new business sales.

VI. Establish need to new channel (i.e. email & sms) integration into required functionality.

VII. Compare our current offering to our direct competitors' offering in terms of functionality and look & feel.

5.1 DESK RESEARCH

The first stage will take the form of desk research. This will involve using information that has been collected for other reasons but will aid in the build up the information that will enable ITCo to make a decision about what their new product should include in terms of functionality and "look and feel". The benefit of conducting desk research first will help to make the primary research less costly and time consuming as the more information we get from existing sources will mean that the primary research stages will be more focussed and effective.

We expect that there will be an even split between internal and external sources of information for this stage. This is due to the fact that the objectives require the investigation of competitors as well as understanding your existing client base and sales issues. The focus of this stage of research will be to obtain the facts and figures required for the purpose of establishing the market position of ITCo in comparison to its competitors as well as obtaining competitor product features. This stage will also utilise reports collected by the sales and operational departments to gain some understanding of the types of issues faced by ITCo with regard to its product offering.

Universities could be used to help perform the desk research as this would be a very cost effective way of achieving this stage of research but due to the time limits involved for setting up the logistics of this type of operation we would recommend that this is not feasible.

If ITCo has a regular cycle of reporting then it would be extremely useful to have the last 1 months of Sales Status reports as these will contain sales won and sales lost. A S.W.O.T analysis can then be done to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the product offering as well identify the reasons for lost sales. As stated, the sales department is very new so we may not have much historical written evidence to work with and this will be revisited in the primary stage of research (see section 5.) if necessary. It will be of great value to obtain copies of previous Invitations to Tender (ITT) from the past 1 months as this will aid in establishing some of the key themes for the market requirements. This may also help us to understand the profiles of the prospective client base in order to define what market segments you could be selling to.

As stated in the background of this project, some market research has already been done so as well as using the final research report it will also be of great use to look at any reports purchased for this project so that the finer detail on the EMA market can be examined. Budget constraints mean that other reports cannot be purchased and this may cause some issues in that the Marketing industry often practices what it preaches and puts a cost on valuable information. There may be, therefore, limitations to the amount of meaningful information we can gather regarding specific growth rates broken down by any sub group, such as vertical markets, at this stage.

There is a huge resource available to utilise for this project and this takes the form of the Web where Competitor information, free industry reports, and industry press articles can be collated and examined to aid in meeting many of the objectives. This, along with any competitor information collected at the exhibitions ITCo staff have attended will provide valuable information on the market, competitor offerings as well as highlight issues being addressed that ITCo may not be addressing. This will also enable us to keep within the budget constraints.

This stage will require the co-operation of each department supplying the necessary information so we recommend a short briefing to enable each department to understand our aims to therefore facilitate co-operation.

5. PRIMARY RESEARCH

ITCo are in the arena of selling Business to Business so this stage will focus more on the understanding of the issues and using techniques to reduce the amount of time respondents need to spend on this project due to demands of their businesses. Again, the budget is very limited so the techniques described below will also need to meet this constraint.

5..1 QUALITATIVE STAGE

Qualitative research is most powerful when the aim is to understand without the need to measure. This stage will seek to take any issues we found as a result of the desk research and explore them further directly with the market practitioners to get a richer and more detailed understanding.

Firstly, we will need to appreciate what we do not yet know about ITCo, current Clients and the product offering being used. This will involve meetings with internal staff to get a full background of each Client and become conversant in any jargon that may be used, as this will enable more effective communication with the market place.

The objective of this stage of research will be to identify key themes and issues that can then be taken and measured in the final stage (see Section 5..) and help ITCo to provide a proposal for the R & D department for new product functionality.

5..1.1 Interviews

The most effective way to understand anything is to discuss and listen with those directly involved. This will mean interviewing your current Clients and prospects in various forms in order to identify market segments, appreciate what each segment requires in order to do their jobs effectively and their issues they have encountered within their own businesses.

Firstly it is imperative to ascertain who uses the ITCo product. The current product enables any person with a username and password to obtain access to their database so the most in depth interviews should take place with those who use the product most frequently. These users will have explored the product in some depth as well as take the role within their own company as the "expert" users. A list of current users, their job role and statistics on usage will be required in order to identify this target group. We will also include the people that were responsible for purchasing the ITCo product, as these are often not the end users and will have specific issues that can affect what any new product could do for them.

Less frequent users may be included at this stage is we do not have enough users to get a rounded view of the above objectives but we expect to interview no more than 10-15 users in depth . The depth interviews will consist of a discussion lasting no more than 1.5 hours and will be conducted by the relevant Account Director or Account Manager as they will have the best relationship with the Clients and will have a better chance of securing their time. We can also make use of existing recurring meetings such as monthly Service Level reviews or Quarterly Strategic Reviews, whichever comes first, to make sure we can have as many face-to-face interviews as possible. It is appreciated, however, that we will be dealing with Marketers and I.T. staff who, by the nature of their jobs and their industries, will find it difficult to devote huge amounts of time for this purpose. The ITCo Client base is also not concentrated in any particular region of the UK so staff travelling time may also be an issue. With this in mind we will conduct telephone interviews where we are unable to get face-to-face time with interviewees.

Proper planning and preparation will be the key for this part of the project as the discussion should take the form of open ended questions and the interviewer should make sure that he or she can keep the discussion on track. As we do not have the budget to use experienced interviewers we will ensure that we have a prepared list of relevant questions to ask to ensure the topics are covered for all "expert" Clients.

Some of the preparation will also involve identifying Clients that may be at risk from not co-operating due to their lack of willingness or ability to discuss issues in depth. Here the task will be use projective and enabling techniques that will encourage these Clients to take part and supply the information we need. We will seek to ask questions that shed light on what your Clients' greatest challenges are in their job, what they find most useful about the ITCo product and what they find least useful. We will also make sure issues surrounding Web use and marketing software in general are addressed and that specific issues of their experience of the ITCo product are rolled in to ensure all topics are covered.

Care must also be taken to not discuss other Clients as part of this project as there may be confidentiality issues so a confidentiality agreement will be drafted for Clients to sign to make it clear that no part of their discussions will become public. Should ITCo want to release any findings then we will seek their explicit permission to use data collected as part of this research. It is also with this in mind and time constraints that we have ruled out the use of Group discussions.

We have considered the use of Focus groups where a group of people are brought together to discuss specific topics facilitated by a skilled interviewer, but there is no budget to employ a skilled interviewer and it may be difficult to secure respondents' time for this activity. This technique has therefore been ruled out for this project.

There is also an option to use sponsored surveys where ITCo could commission specific research from a companies such as Data Monitor but these require a lot of resources, especially money, to set up and run effectively so this has been ruled out for this project.

It is recommended, however, if time and budget are available to set up User Groups to test your product on an ongoing basis as this could form the basis for innovative on-going product development that solely meets the needs of your market.

Results from this stage of research will be collated and key themes will be documented to take forward to the quantitative stage.

5.. QUANTITATIVE STAGE

This stage of research will be used to take the issues and themes uncovered by the desk and qualitative research to the broader audience for measurement of importance and weighting. This is because some product requirements that were identified as significant to a few interviewees may not be as significant to a wider audience. Doing this will enable ITCo to include the core functionality requirements in the R and D proposal as a priority.

5...1 Sampling Frame

It is at this stage that we will include the less frequent Client users of the ITCo product as well as the expert users. In order to widen the measurement base even more prospects that are already in communication with ITCo will be included at this stage. These users will be stratified into groups based on their vertical market, job role and technical expertise where known.

The marketing database market place involves a lot of third party participation by Below the Line Agencies as they are often regarded as key advocates in the selling process. It is for this reason that we will include this group as part of our research.

Due to the sheer number of Agencies that we could poll we will take a sample for this group although we will use all Clients and prospects, as these are small in number in comparison to the Agencies. In order to simplify the measurement process due to time constraints we will have a total quota sample size of 50 Agencies (taken from the Top 100 agencies and to include existing Client agencies) with the aim on contacting two personnel within each agency. If possible and the department exists we will question at least person per agency in the Data Planning department as they are mainly responsible for Marketing Database pitches and data related work for their end Clients. We expect the total size of the respondents to be approximately 100 people.

To clarify we have three main groups as follows

- Clients split by vertical market, job role and technical expertise

- Prospects split by vertical market and job role (and technical expertise where known)

- Agencies

A web-enabled self-completion questionnaire will be sent out to all of these groups covering the topics drawn out as a result of the first two stages of research. The reason for it being web-enables is to make it consistent with the company Brand and values. ITCo is an IT company that targets marketers and IT personnel to sell web-enabled database marketing solutions so with this in mind the questionnaire should be sent to promote this as well enable the questionnaire design to be as flexible and easy to navigate as possible.

The questionnaire will have three main sections that address their attitudes to and requirements for their ideal database marketing software. Due to the characteristics of the groups we are addressing, the questionnaire will be structured to allow users to answer only those questions that are relevant to them and their sphere of expertise as quick and effective filters and routing can be applied for web-enabled questionnaires. There will a an issue with getting the level of response needed to make this part of the quantitative stage meaningful so the questionnaire will be used as a template for a fully structured interview. The Account Managers and Sales force can again be utilised to obtain answers where we are not getting a response. The questionnaire can also be incentivised but this will be dependent on available "client entertainment" budget.

There is the possibility of making further use of this type of research by having a Diary Panel who can complete short and relevant questionnaires on their usage of the product for a set period of time so that attitudes and usage patterns can be assessed. Due to time constraints this cannot be done for this project but we recommend that it is used as a part the ITCo on-going assessment of their product portfolio. If the people resources were to become available then an Observation could be done with current users of the ITCo product so that Client tasks can be monitored and measured but, again, available Client time makes this problematic to set up and run.

6 CONCLUSION

The result of this survey will be a full report where all key issues & themes are identified and discussed and a number of metrics that will state what functionality is most important to the User.

The measurements will include

- Usage of various functionality (as stated in the Research brief)

- Attitudes to that functionality in terms of ease of use, benefit to business and efficiency.

- Attitudes to look and feel of software

- Attitudes to cost issues

Where possible the results will be broken down by market segments identified as part of the research and will also be ranked by importance.

This will enable ITCo to design their new product development requirements to meet the needs they consider most appropriate to their market.

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Betrayal-Harold Pinter

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Modern Drama

Final Project

what is the major theme(s) of the play?Explain

Cheap custom writing service can write essays on Betrayal-Harold Pinter

Disrespect has an impact on the play "Betrayal", by Harold Pinter in many ways. Disrespect is an important theme in this play because it has the power to hold or drive the play forward. It causes stress, insecurities, and lies within this play, that supports its significance as a major theme that Pinter was issuing. I have isolated all the important quotes to support my ideas about disrespect. Each quote demonstrates the disrespect of the characters themselves, their marriages, and/or their friendships. (My book may not have the same page numbers so I'm giving the scenes in the beginning of each quote too.)

In Scene I, Jerry is being disrespectful toward Emma. Emma says, "I thought of you the other day." Jerry responds, "Good God Why? Why"(1)? This is disrespectful because they did have a seven-year relationship, and to just block someone out of your thoughts and ignore your feelings is totally erratic. The fact that nobody really expresses themselves makes each character seem very disrespectful of their own feelings. I suppose you could argue that English people in general are not very emotionally out going and willing to talk about their feelings, but that is just a stereotypical view.

The next quote I want to discuss is about Jerry's disrespect for himself. In Scene I, he says, "The funny thing was that the only thing I ever felt was irritating. I mean irritation that nobody gossiped about us like that…"(). At this point we begin to see Jerry for Jerry. He makes it seem that he should be praised for doing something that is frowned upon by society. This is just one example of how Jerry is disrespectful of the generally accepted social morality.

This next quote shows Emma being disrespectful toward Jerry. In Scene I, Jerry says, "You didn't tell Robert about me last night did you"? And Emma responds, "I had to"(). I suppose you could argue that Jerry is the one who is being disrespectful by being only concerned with his own well being. I think it's only Emma who's disrespectful in this situation. She lies to him by saying that the night before was the night she first told Robert about the affair. The truth was that she actually told him four years earlier. This is an important quote because it gives Jerry a reason to talk to Robert. In essence it helps drive the play forward.

In Scene II, we see Jerry's disrespectful apology to Robert. Jerry says, "I don't know why she told you. I don't know how she could tell you…"(6). Jerry is disrespectful in the sense that his apology is not sincere. After seven years of sneaking around with Emma, he apologizes. What right does Jerry have? I think he's only trying to make sense of it all in his head to make himself not feel guilty about betraying his so-called best friend. I guess it's a good thing Robert has no respect for himself or his wife or his marriage, or else Robert probably would have killed Jerry. I guess that's what makes this play different from most there's no tragedy.

Again in Scene II, Jerry obviously proves us wrong by calling a Robert a bastard. Both Jerry and Robert are being disrespectful. Jerry disrespects Robert, and Robert disrespects his marriage. Jerry says, "Why didn't you tell me?" And Robert replies, "Tell you what?" Then Jerry responds, "That you knew you bastard"(40). In this scene, both Jerry and Robert are being disrespectful. What I mean is, does Robert have the right to play stupid about the question Jerry is asking? I think that Robert is playing Jerry for a fool and the only reason that he wants Jerry as a friend is to use him to find him more talented writers so he can make more money off of him. I find this to be just as disrespectful as the fact that Jerry is angrier about the situation than Robert. In essence, Robert is even disrespectful toward his own marriage for not being angry. A quote that supports my ideas is when Robert says to Jerry, "No, I hadn't thought of telling Judith, actually. You don't seem to understand that I don't give a shit"(41). Any man who has respect for his wife and his marriage would want to get back at his best friend for deceiving him.

In Scene III, Jerry is being disrespectful towards Emma. The way I know this is because Jerry puts his foot in his mouth when he says, "But when I am here you're not free in the afternoons. So we never meet"(51). Up until this point in the scene, Jerry is being very supportive of Emma and her career goals. Its like he's trying to manipulate her. He's trying to make it seem like she's the one who wants to do away with the relationship. Jerry tries to make it her fault by saying, "We're here now"(51). Like saying, look we don't have to do away with this, and she responds, "Not really"(51). She is indicating that they are no longer a couple.

The next quote in Scene III is when Jerry is being disrespectful towards Emma. He say's, "Nights have always been out of the question and you know it. I have a family"(5). (Saying it like she doesn't have a family or that his life with his family is more important.) Emma upset, says, "I have a family too." Then Jerry says, "I might remind you that your husband is my oldest friend." When Jerry says this he is being so disrespectful toward Emma in the sense, all of a sudden his and Robert's friendship is more important than theirs. After seven years, why now? This proves that Jerry is the one who really wants out of the relationship, and this also puts the relationship on hold for the next two years.

Again, in Scene III we see Jerry being disrespectful toward Emma. Emma says, "Its just an empty home"(54). And Jerry responds, "Its not a home." His disrespect is caused from a lack of caring for Emma's feelings. Emma truly believes that the flat is a home for them. Jerry always looked at it as just a spot for the affair. She even tries to personalize the flat by buying a tablecloth for "them".

In Scene IV, we see all three characters together for the first time. We see Robert offending Emma. He says, "Well, to be brutally honest, we wouldn't actually want a woman around, would we, Jerry"(6)? He then further goes on to say, "You really don't want a woman buying you lunch…" and "You don't actually want a woman within a mile of the place." My point is… we see Robert not only offending Emma, but we also see him as disrespecting all women in general.

In Scene V, Robert is disrespecting himself. Robert says, "Any other news"(8)? Emma responds, "No." Then Robert changes the subject and says, "Are you looking forward to Torcello?" The point I'm making is that Robert has no respect for his own marriage. He doesn't even care that his own wife and his best friend are having an affair. To me this is also not respecting yourself.

Just after that quote, Robert is telling Emma how he and Jerry used to write to each other. In this quote Robert is disrespecting his marriage and himself. He says, "Well, we are still close friends. All that was long before I met you, long before he met you"(8). I think Robert is suggesting that he and Jerry will always have a relationship regardless. He's saying that she really doesn't matter to him, and she really doesn't mean anything to Jerry.

In Scene V, Robert's sarcasm is very disrespectful towards Emma and their relationship. Especially when he says, "I've always liked Jerry. To be honest, I've always liked him rather more than I've liked you. Maybe I should have had an affair with him myself"(87). I think that Robert is blatantly disrespecting her and his marriage to prove that he really doesn't care anymore.

In Scene VI, we see Jerry being disrespectful toward Judith. Jerry says to Emma, "We had our drink, and we got home about eight, walked in the door, Judith said, hello, you're a bit late. Sorry, I said, I was having a drink with Spinks"(100). Jerry is lying to Judith to protect himself from getting caught. This is also disrespectful to himself in the sense that he doesn't even notify Spinks that he was going out and shouldn't call his house.

In Scene VII, Jerry is being disrespectful toward Robert and their friendship. When talking to Robert about Torcello, Jerry says, "I thought one went to Torcello by gondola"(11). The disrespect in this is that Jerry already knows all about the trip from Emma. This is also disrespectful on Emma's part because this is when he finds out that Emma lied to him about the speedboats being broken down.

In Scene VIII, there is so much disrespect that derives from a few quotes. I'm going to do my best to link it all together. We see Jerry being disrespectful toward his marriage, his friendship with Robert, and toward Emma. We also see Emma being disrespectful toward her marriage and Robert toward his. Jerry says, "I should have blackened you in your white wedding dress… before ushering you in to your wedding"(15). This quote in particular, drives the play forward in the sense that this is the beginning of the betrayal.

Jerry obviously is being disrespectful towards his marriage by kissing Emma, and telling her how much he loves her. He's also disrespecting Robert as his "best man", by taking advantage of his wife in his own home. On top of all of this he's telling Emma that he should have "Blackened her" or been the first to have her.

In Emma's case the only response to Jerry's disrespectful comment is that her husband is on the other side of the door. She doesn't scream or yell or make any kind of attempt to try to be rescued. Then when Robert enters the room, she doesn't try to tell him his best friend just kissed her, she says, "Your best friend is drunk"(17). That is being disrespectful for not telling him the truth.

It's a real question to determine whether or not Robert is being disrespectful by not stepping into the bathroom sooner. I think he heard every word of their conversation, and chose not to interfere because maybe Jerry would be taking her off his hands so he could go out and betray her. My assumptions may be arguably wrong, but in this sense Robert is being disrespectful.

Part

Disrespect is crucial in producing "Betrayal" because it makes or breaks the play. Without disrespect, there would be no affair at all. These characters would have nothing to discuss besides new talents and their children. I think that Pinter is trying to stir up his audience by utilizing disrespect. What I'm saying is that this play has been the only play we read all semester with no real tragedy or deaths making it very realistic. Pinter could have Robert kill Jerry or Emma for betraying him, but he chooses to make Robert more realistic and that shows how society responds to situations like this most of the time. The thing that Pinter does different is that he makes Robert just as disrespectful as Jerry and Emma. In the following I will be describing my way of presenting this play through casting, acting style, costume, and lighting.

I envision all three of these characters dressed very proper and expensive. Jerry would look like a somewhat weak character but deceiving. Robert would be a much physically stronger man, with not much charm. And Emma would be a very beautiful woman with silk white skin and beautiful flowing hair. Her looks are deceiving.

I think Hugh Grant would play a good Jerry because he usually plays a somewhat ditsy but charming character. He also seems to play characters that say the wrong thing at the wrong time, and we know Jerry fits that profile.

I would also cast the part of Robert, to Russell Crowe. I think that he would play a good Robert because I think that Robert has similar characteristics to the gladiator, in the movie "Gladiator". He compares to the gladiator in the sense that he has this underestimated ability to be mentally stronger than most people. He's usually a very calm, cool, and intelligent character as well.

For Emma, I would cast Nicole Kidman. She's very independent looking and can play the part of a "want to be" upper class character, like she did in "Moulin Rouge." Nicole Kidman also has a very deceiving look with her red hair and I think that would play as a good factor too.

I really based all these choices on the characters' tone of voice when speaking. All present this different but similar type of tone that's kind of stuck up in a way that makes them come across as disrespectful people. In Robert's case his voice is deeper and darker and presents a little bit of fear to others. He says things very unemotional when speaking. This is demonstrated when he says, "It's true I've hit Emma once or twice. But that wasn't to defend a principle. I wasn't inspired to do it form any kind of standpoint. I just felt like giving her a good bashing"(41). For Robert to do things like this is very disrespectful toward Emma and his marriage. It also shows that he can commit these heartless acts with no remorse.

Tone is extremely important in expressing how each character is being disrespectful. Even if the words are not meant to be blatantly disrespectful, good actors can make them seem that way. To prove that Hugh Grant would play a good Jerry, we go back to a quote we talked about earlier. Jerry says, "That you knew. You bastard"(40). Hugh Grant would say this with a confused demeanor. It would be said in such a way that we would interpret it as "Why the hell are you not angry with me?" It would almost be as if he has a questioning look on his face that makes him think about why he's angry and calling him a bastard. And again like I said in the last paragraph, Robert's response is said very calmly, "Oh, don't call me bastard, Jerry." Almost like its even humorous to him in a way. Then Jerry acting like a teenager in love says, "What are we going to do?" He's acting like Robert really means something to him. His tone is acknowledged as being deceiving and disrespectful.

In Emma's case, her tone is disrespectful when she responds from Roberts question, "He wasn't the best man at our wedding, was he"(8)? And she says, "You know he was." This would be as if she was saying that Jerry was the better man in general. Also like saying that Robert is really a nothing to her.

The next thing I want to talk about is costume. It's important to show that these characters are dressed to disrespect. There costumes should also reflect their tones as well.

In the scene where Jerry and Robert meet for a drink at the restaurant, both would be over dressed compared to the waiter who would be dressed nice but not as expensive as the two of them. Robert's attire would give the sense that he is better than everyone one else, and that he is flawless. Robert would be dressed the simplest but only to emphasize his personality. I would have him in a suede V-Neck sweater of a rich mahogany complexion, with black seamless pants, and dressy black zip-up boots. We would also see Robert wearing heavy gold rings to help present his value.

Jerry would be wearing a very expensive suit, with a black jacket and black pants, with a flamboyantly colorful tie, and a white shirt. He would also be wearing a dark pair of sunglasses and firm black shoes. He would appear as a very stiff but out going person because of his tie. He would also never remove his sunglasses in public making sure he doesn't make any eye contact with that person. When the waiter speaks both men talk down to him and don't even look him in the eye.

Emma would be dressed very disrespectful to herself and to her marriage. When she meets with Jerry for the first time in two years, she would be wearing a tight, short, lace like, red dress. She would stand out in a crowd with lots of cleavage showing. This would express to the audience that Emma is one to get around. All in all this would emphasize to the audience that costume also plays a role in staging disrespect as a theme.

Betrayal Harold Pinter

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St. Ursula and her 11,000 virgins

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The real legend of St. Ursula and her 11,000 virgins is unknown. The information that we have today is conceived through the visions and thoughts of those who the saints had supposedly visited. Along the way, pieces of the story have been left out or neglected to record. We still don't know if Ursula had 1, 11, 1,000, or 11,000 virgins accompany her during her journey because of misinterpretations. But what we do know, is that St. Ursula and her virgins led a fairy-tale type life as they joyously traveled to their martyrdom. This story has created a one-of-a-kind cult dedicated to the virgins. But before their reliquaries and churches could be built, the tale of St. Ursula had to be figured out.

The history of these celebrated virgins of Cologne rests on ten lines, and these are open to question. This legend, with its countless variants and increasingly fabulous developments, would fill more than a hundred pages. Various characteristics of it were already regarded with suspicion by certain medieval writers, and since Baronius have been universally rejected. Subsequently, despite efforts more ingenious than scientific to save at least a part, the apocryphal character of the whole has been recognized by degrees. Briefly, for the solid reconstruction of the true history of the virgin martyrs, there is only the inscription of Clematius and some details furnished by ancient liturgical books. Unfortunately, these latter are very meager, and the inscription is in part extremely obscure. This document, carved on a stone, which may be seen in the choir of the Church of St. Ursula at Cologne, is couched in the following terms

DIVINIS FLAMMEIS VISIONIB. FREQVENTER

ADMONIT. ET VIRTVTIS MAGNÆ MAI

IESTATIS MARTYRII CAELESTIVM VIRGIN

IMMINENTIVM EX PARTIB. ORIENTIS

EXSIBITVS PRO VOTO CLEMATIVS V. C. DE

PROPRIO IN LOCO SVO HANC BASILICA

VOTO QVOD DEBEBAT A FVNDAMENTIS

RESTITVIT SI QVIS AVTEM SVPER TANTAM

MAIIESTATEM HVIIVS BASILICÆ VBI SANC

TAE VIRGINES PRO NOMINE. XPI. SAN

GVINEM SVVM FVDERVNT CORPVS ALICVIIVS

DEPOSVERIT EXCEPTIS VIRCINIB. SCIAT SE

SEMPITERNIS TARTARI IGNIB. PVNIENDVM

Its authenticity, which is accepted beyond the shadow of a doubt by the most eminent epigraphists, has sometimes been suspected without good reason, and Domaszewski is mistaken in asserting that the stone was not carved until the fifteenth century. It belongs indisputably to the fifth century at the latest, and very probably to the fourth. The recent hypothesis of Reise, according to which the first eight lines, as far as RESTITVIT, belong to the fourth century, while the rest were added in the ninth, is more elegant than solid. With still greater reason must we reject as purely arbitrary that of J. Ficker, which divides the first eight lines into two parts, the first being of pagan origin and dating from before the Christian era, the second dating from the second century. But despite its authenticity the inscription is far from clear. Many attempts have been made to interpret it, none of them satisfactory, but at least the following import may be gathered A certain Clematius, a man of senatorial rank, who seems to have lived in the Orient before going to Cologne, was led by frequent visions to rebuild in this city, on land belonging to him, a basilica which had fallen into ruins, in honour of virgins who had suffered martyrdom on that spot.

This brief text is very important, for it testifies to the existence of a previous basilica, dating perhaps from the beginning of the fourth century, if not from the pre-Constantine period. For the authentic cult and hence for the actual existence of the virgin martyrs, it is a guarantee of great value, but it must be added that the exact date of the inscription is unknown, and the information it gives is very vague. It does not indicate the number of the virgins, their names, or the period of their martyrdom. Nor does any other document supply any probable details on the last point. Our ignorance on the first two is lessened to a certain extent by the mention on 1 Oct. in various liturgical texts (martyrologies, calendars, litanies) of virgins of Cologne, now five, now eight, now eleven, for example Ursula, Sencia, Gregoria, Pinnosa, Martha, Saula, Britula, Saturnina, Rabacia, Saturia, and Palladia (Sheingorn, 6). Without doubt none of these documents are prior to the ninth century, but they are independent of the legend, which already began to circulate, and their evidence must not be entirely overlooked. It is noteworthy that in only one of these lists Ursula ranks first.

After the inscription of Clematius there is a gap of nearly five hundred years in our documents, for no trace of the martyrs is found again until the ninth century. The oldest written text, Sermo in natali sanctarum Coloniensium virginum, which seems to date from this period, serves to prove that there was at Cologne no precise tradition relating to the virgin martyrs (Sheingorn, 6). According to this, there were several thousand in number, and suffered persecution during the reign of Diocletian and Maximian. The names of only a few of them were known, and of these the writer gives only one, that of Pinnosa, who was then regarded as the most important of the number. Some persons, probably in accordance with an interpretation, certainly questionable, of the inscription of Clematius, considered them as coming from the East, and connected them with the martyrs of the Theban Legion; others held them to be natives of Great Britain, and this was the opinion shared by the authors of the Sermo (Sheinghorn, 7). Apparently some time after the Sermo we find the martyrology of Wandalbert of Prum, compiled about 850, which speaks of several thousand virgins. On the other hand Usuard, in his martyrology dating from about 875, mentions only Martha and Saula with several others (Sheinghorn, 5). But as early as the end of the ninth century or the beginning of the tenth, the phrase the eleven thousand virgins is admitted without dispute. So how was this number reached? All sorts of explanations have been offered, some more ingenious than others. The chief and rather gratuitous suppositions have been various errors of reading or interpretation, e.g., Ursula and her eleven thousand companions comes from the two names Ursula and Undecimillia, or from Ursula and Ximillia, or from the abbreviation XI. M. V. (undecim martyres virgines), misinterpreted as undecim millia virginum, etc. It has been conjectured, and this is less arbitrary, that it is the combination of the eleven virgins mentioned in the ancient liturgical books with the figure of several thousand (millia) given by Wandalbert (Sheingorn, 7). However it may be, this number is from this day forward accepted, as is also the British origin of the saints, while Ursula is substituted for Pinnosa and takes the foremost place among the virgins of Cologne.

The experiences of Ursula and her eleven thousand companions became the subject of a pious romance, which acquired considerable celebrity. Besides the subsequent revisions of this story there are two ancient versions, both originating at Cologne. One of these (Fuit tempore pervetusto) dates from the second half of the ninth century (6-76), and was only rarely copied during the Middle Ages. The other (Regnante Domino), also compiled in the ninth century, had a wide circulation, but adds little of importance to the first (Sheinghorn, 6). The author of the latter, probably in order to win more credence for his account, claims to have received it from one who in turn heard it from St. Dunstan of Canterbury, but the serious anachronisms which he commits in saying this place it under suspicion. This legendary account is well known In Britain there lived a Christian King who had a daughter, named Ursula, who he loved very much. In fact, the entire country was enamored with her -- for she was filled with dignity, respect, wisdom, and beauty. People from far away lands heard of the Kings remarkable daughter and before long the King of Anglia asked for her to be wed to his only son. The prince, too, very much wanted this marriage to occur yet Ursula and her father, devout Christians, were loathe at the idea of marrying an idolater. In fact, messengers from Anglia delivered heinous threats of what would happen if they had to return without a confirmation of Ursulas hand for the Prince, who was named Ethereus.

Ursula, prayed long and hard and asked for God's guidance in making a decision and protecting her fathers throne. Inspired by God, Ursula advised her father to accept the proposal but only on certain conditions. Both kings should put at Ursulas disposal ten chosen virgins who would each be accompanied by another thousand virgins and the kings should provide ships for a journey for the virgins.

Additionally, she further asked to have three years for herself and Ethereus to dedicate themselves to religious instruction. Surely, they would withdraw their proposal, thought Ursula and her father.

Surprisingly, the Prince and his father accepted these conditions unquestioningly. Thus, men and girls from all around volunteered to accompany Ursula on her travels and she immediately converted them all to Christianity.

While in transit at Cologne, an Angel of the Lord appeared to Ursula in a vision and instructed her to alter her course and go to Rome. Additionally, he prophesied that Ursula and her followers would return to Cologne and achieve martyrdom. Then they followed the river Rhine to Basle. From Basle, Ursula and her companions walked all the way to Rome.

An Angel of the Lord also appeared to Ethereus, now the King after his father's death, and encouraged him to convert his mother to Christianity and meet Ursula in Rome so he, too, could achieve martyrdom. Thus, with his newly baptized mother, his little sister, Florentina, and the Bishop Clement, they embarked on their journey. Also, as Ursula and her followers entered Rome, Pope Cyricus had a vision of what was to occur and absconded his thrown to Ametos to join Ursula.

As Ursula returned to Cologne with her followers she found the city occupied by the Huns, who had been spying on Ursula in fear of the mass spread of Christianity. The Huns massacred all of the young virgins, the Pope, and Ethereus and his family. The leader of the Huns intended to take Ursula as his wife. When she firmly refused, he thrust an arrow through her heart, completing the martyrdom of 11,000 young Christian women.

The literary origin of this romance is not easy to determine. Apart from the inscription of Clematius, transcribed in the Passion Fuit tempore and paraphrased in the Regnante Domino Passion and the Sermo in natali, the writers seem to have been aware of a Gallic legend of which a late version is found in Geoffrey of Monmouth the usurper Maximus, having conquered British Armorica, sent there from Great Britain 100,000 colonists and 0,000 soldiers, and committed the government of Armorica to his former enemy, now his friend, the Breton prince, Conanus Meriadocus. The latter decided to bring women from Great Britain to marry them to his subjects, to which end he appealed to Dionotus, King of Cornwall, who sent him his daughter Ursula, accompanied by 11,000 noble virgins and 60,000 other young women. As the fleet, which carried them sailed towards Armorica, a violent storm destroyed some of the ships and drove the rest of them to barbarian islands in Germany, where the virgins were slain by the Huns and the Picts. When the Barbarians turned to plunder the ships, they thought they saw eleven legions of armed soldiers and fled in fright. Freed from the threat of the Huns, the citizens of the city came outside the walls and buried the martyrs' bodies (Holladay, 74). The improbabilities, inconsistencies, and anachronisms of Geoffreys account are obvious, and have often been dealt with in detail moreover the story of Ursula and her companions is covered with a less ideal character than in the Passions of Cologne. However, several writers have regarded this account since Baronius, as containing a summary of the true history of the holy martyrs. Like the Passions of Cologne, it has been subjected to the anti-scientific method, which consists in setting aside as false the improbabilities, impossibilities, and manifest fables, and regarding the rest as authentic history. As a consequence two essential traits remain the English origin of the saints and their massacre by the Huns; and then, according as adherence is given to the Sermo in natali, Geoffrey of Monmouth, or the Passion Regnante Domino, the martyrdom of St. Ursula is placed in the third, fourth, or fifth century. In order to account for all the details, two massacres of virgins at Cologne have been accepted, one in the third century, the other in the fifth. The different solutions with their variations suggested by scholars, sometimes with levity, sometimes with considerable learning, all share the important defect of being based on relatively late documents, unauthoritative and disfigured by manifest fables.

No conclusion can be drawn from these texts. Nevertheless, the fables they contain are insignificant in comparison with those, which were invented and propagated later. As everyone now unhesitatingly rejects them, it suffices to treat them briefly. In the twelfth century there were discovered in the Ager Ursulanus at Cologne, some distance from the Church of St. Ursula, skeletons not only of women, but of little children, and even of men, and with them inscriptions that is impossible not to recognize as gross forgeries. All this gave rise to a number of fantastic legends, which are contained in the accounts of the vision of St. Elizabeth of Schonau, and of a religious who has been regarded as identical with Blessed Hermann Joseph of Steinfeld. It may be remarked in passing that visions have played an important part in the question of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, as may be seen in those of Clematius and of the nun Helintrude contained in the Passion Regnante Domino. Those of the twelfth century, in combination with the inscriptions of the Ager Ursulanus, resulted in furnishing the names of a great many of the male and female companions of Ursula, in particular, and this will suffice to give an idea of the rest, that of a Pope Cyriacus, a native of Great Britain, said to have received the virgins at the time of their pilgrimage to Rome, to have abdicated the papal chair in order to follow them, and to have been martyred with them at Cologne. No doubt it was readily acknowledged that this Pope Cyriacus was unknown in the pontifical records, but this, it was said, was because the cardinals, displeased with his abdication, erased his name from all the books.

So what happened to the martyrs' bodies after the citizens of Cologne buried them? In 1106 the city of Cologne was in a feud between Heinrich IV and his son, therefore, they received permission from the king to enlarge its boundary wall to incorporate areas to the north, west, and south into the city. During the excavations in the north, near the Church of the Holy Virgins, workmen stuck 'gold' by digging into a Roman cemetery. It was believed that they had discovered the burial place of the entire virgin band. Although the church had contained eleven tombs for a while, suddenly the supposed relics of the whole group were available for excavation, elevation, and veneration (Holladay, 74).

The unexpected discovery of the bones of the eleven thousand virgin martyrs had two immediate consequences. The first was a naturally extensive excavation campaign, and the second was the rebuilding of the church in their honor. As early as 1106 the monks of St. Pantaleon, located at the western edge of the city, relocated the bodies of three members of Ursula's band to the women's convent of Walciodorense. Even such a generous donation, represented only a part of the monks' holdings of the virgins' relics at this date. Since St. Pantaleon was located at the western edge of the city (not near the excavations) it seems that enough bodies had been excavated by this date to allow their distribution to other Cologne churches that held no claim to a part of the cemetery. Likewise, the Benedictine monastery at Deutz, across the river from Cologne, had sufficient relics of the virgin saints that they could spare the body of St. Palmatia and other remains for the monastery a Weissenburg in Alsace in 111 (Holladay, 76). The relics themselves had made their way abroad almost as quickly as the news of the find at Cologne.

The early excavations seemed to have not been carried out by the canonesses at the Church of the Holy Virgins, but by the canons at St. Kunibert's. Only later were the canonesses at the Church of Holy Virgins able to claim the recent finds and have some of the remains of the virgins transferred to their church to rest with their companions who had long lain there (Holladay, 76). Domination by male religious marked this twelfth-century phase of the cult. In addition to the bones transferred to St. Kunibert, St. Pantaleon, and Deutz (all men's houses), St. Norbert, digging for relics of the martyrs at St. Gereon in 111, received a vision that caused him to turn his attention to the holy virgins.

For almost a decade, until 1164, the monks of the Benedictine monastery at Deutz, carried on an active excavation campaign, unearthing hundreds of bodies and transferring them to their abbey. Here the monk Dietrich recorded the names of the saints, which the monks had supposedly discovered on tablets buried with the bodies, but which are now believed to have been made up by the monks themselves. In a further effort to authenticate their relics and to validate their entire enterprise, the monks sent some of the relics and the tablets to the mystic Elizabeth of Schonau in 1155 for identification and authentication (Holladay, 76). As soon as the relics were present at Schonau, the virgins and other saints appeared to Elizabeth in visions, revealing the martyrs' names, complaining about the treatment of their relics at certain sites, and reconciling the existence of the tablets with the existing story of the martyrdom and burial. They also explained the presence of men and children's bones among the virgins' burials as boatmen, clerics who tended to the virgins' spiritual needs, and as men, women, and children who desired martyrdom and burial with the virgin band.

While Elizabeth and the monks of Deutz carried out their activities on the part of the Ursula virgins, during the whole twelfth century, the sources are silent on excavation activity on the part of the canonesses themselves. Elizabeth's accusation that they neglected the relics in their charge seemed to support the claim that their role in the excavations was either non-existent or extremely modest (Holladay, 77).

The canonesses started rebuilding their church at about this time because the church that was in use in 1106, was quickly perceived as inadequate to house the multitudes of new relics that were considered its property. A new and influential church was designed and built with record speed. A great gilt and enamel shrine for Ursula furnished the church, along with a similar shrine for Ursula's fianc�. A third shrine, for the remains of St. Hippolytus, behind the high altar, which was decorated with a new altar frontal was also added.

From about the middle of the thirteenth century until after the middle of the fourth, numerous and convincing evidence documents frenzied excavation activity, accompanied by the involvement of the entire city in the promotion of the cult. The Ursula virgins were a source of enormous pride to the city, a rallying point for community identity with the city's illustrious Roman and early Christian past. Gottfried Hagen's late thirteenth-century Reimchronik records that, in a battle for the control of the city in 165, Archbishop Englebert and his party laid siege on the city for eight days. Only an appearance of St. Ursula and her companions on behalf of the city convinced them to withdraw (Holladay, 80). In a woodcut illustrating this episode, the Ursula virgins were represented differently than other saints. Their portrayal in bust-length, may indicate that it was assumed that the transport of the reliquary busts onto the ramparts had enlisted the saints' aid in the city's defense.

A period of renewed interest in St. Ursula and her companions beginning in the middle of the thirteenth century brought significant changes in the spaces and objects used for the saints' cult. The Dominican monks traveled with the relics of the virgin martyrs to the diocese of Paderborn to raise money for building projects at the Church of the Holy Virgins. It is almost certain that the project they were working on was the new Gothic choir. Soon thereafter a second aisle, nearly twice the width of those in the Romanesque building, was added along the south of the church. Finally at the beginning of the fourteenth century the Romanesque nave was given pointed quadripartite vaults (Holladay, 81). The remodeled choir incorporated new spaces to display and protect the increasing numbers of relics. Grilled compartments under the eleven windows of the new choir were intended for the martyr's bones. Just as the number of the windows recalls the number of virgins, the integration of the virgins' bones into the very fabric of the building itself visualized the saints as the living stones of the church (Holladay, 8).

A number of changes also reconfigured the area of the high altar at the end of the thirteenth century. A new altar with Gothic tracery incorporated the old copper gilt and enamel antependium in the church. The raised back wall of the altar created an effect of a retable; painted figures of the Ursula virgins occupied its eleven arcades (Holladay, 84). Wooden protective covers were also installed over the three shrines behind the altar. The paintings of the altar retable, for the first time, picture the saints of Ursula's cohort as a group of women. In a similar way, the Ursula busts, the unusual but striking wooden reliquaries made for the remains of the virgin band, also insisted on the number and the gender of the group's members. The creation of the busts coincides with renewed excavation and rebuilding between the middle of the thirteenth and the middle of the fourteenth century (Holladay, 85).

The earliest of the preserved busts can be dated about 160-70. After the turn of the century, a furry of activity produced hundreds of the busts before their production tapered off in about 160. Approximately one hundred busts are still preserved at the church of St. Ursula, in the Goldene Kammer. The churches and museums in and near Cologne have about fifty and there are a few isolated examples in France, Switzerland, and the United States, for a total of about 160 preserved busts. Most of the reliquaries represent young women in bust length close to life-size, approximately standing about 40 cm high (Holladay, 87). They are carved in the round and finished in the back. Polychromy in natural flesh tones and hair colors heightens the striking life-like effect, as do stylish garments with brocaded patterns and jeweled, impasto, or punched neckbands (Holladay, 87).

There are three variations from the general description. Some reliquaries extend to waist or hip-length, with a corresponding increase in vertical dimension of about 50 cm or more. These longer busts include arms and hands, which are raised in prayer. A few slightly smaller reliquaries lack the compelling physical presence and one-on-one approachability of the larger busts but resemble them in all other aspects (Holladay, 87). The smaller versions are present in both bust and hip-length. These may have been intended to represent children, such as the bust at the Yale Art Gallery containing a more child-like facial type. Finally, a number of the later reliquaries represent men, such as clerics, nobles, and knights. The male figures are all bust length without arms, besides one exception.

The physical presence of these objects is heightened by a number of other qualities. The busts are carved from wood, and although busts in wood had appeared as early as about 100, metal was still the material of choice for reliquaries of all type in the thirteenth century. The use of wood for the numerous Cologne works may have resulted from economic necessity, but it also seems possible that this still relatively unusual choice may reflect the medieval perception of wood as a living material and therefore able to more closely approximate the look and feel of human flesh (Holladay, 87). Wood was also an ideal support for the naturalistic polychromy that plays an important role in the appearance of these works. Other thirteenth century busts that we know, contained their relatively small relic particles in an indentation in the chest. A gem or crystal, sometimes configured as a brooch within the drapery scheme, would have protected the holy remains from theft or loss. The busts at Cologne, are hollowed out so that they hold the major relic, the cranium, in a manner that approximates the relationship of bones to skin in the living person. Each Cologne bust sits on a thin wooden panel that serves to close the secondary relic chamber in the chest. This effect makes the figures appear as a real person who is standing behind a high-chest wall. A slight smile on the saints' lips on the reliquary appears to make her more human and approachable, while distinguishing them from predecessors and contemporaries (Holladay, 88).

While all reliquaries create a specific visual presence for the otherwise anonymous relics they contain, the cumulative effect of the unusual features of the Ursula busts area life-like appearance that departs dramatically from reliquary bust of earlier date (Holladay, 88). An importance of the busts, is to realize that they focus on the virgins' state of being rather than their activities. A person viewing the busts during the fourteenth century would have found herself confronted by a striking image of a contemporary (sister, neighbor, herself), rather than a narrative of the virgins' deeds, martyrdom, or miracles.

A number of the busts bear the coats of arms of local patrician families. Medievalists typically interpret the inclusion of heraldic devices as records of the patron's identity and his or her pride in the commission (Holladay, 88). The usual prominent placement of the heraldic shields on the busts, similar to brooches or belt buckles, suggests that the coats of arms are intended to make visible a direct connection between the historical virgins and the young women of medieval Cologne. They identify the daughters of the fourteenth century by blurring the relationship between past and present, and by classifying them with their sainted early Christian counterparts.

There were several factors that contributed to the decision that the bust was an appropriate way to commemorate the virgins and contain their relics. Bust reliquaries appeared as early as early as then end of the ninth century, but there are only a few examples before the date of the earliest Ursula busts. Bust reliquaries made in wood were even rarer. The decision to encase the relics of the Ursula virgins in wooden busts, appears as a response to a specific situation. Although we don't have any contemporary documentary evidence that proves us with certain answers, it is guessed that is relates to the intended functions of the busts how, where, and by whom the might have been used (Holladay, 88). Customs documented in Cologne allow the conclusion that the busts were carried in procession on the saints' feast day, October 1. On the feast of St. Ursula, in the presence of a large and devoted population, adolescent daughters of the citizens of Cologne, dressed in golden garments, carried the virgins out of the Goldene Kammer, processing them around the church and through the cemetery before returning them (Holladay, 8). The city consciously and proudly retained and revived old habits and traditions during this time. Thus the role of local girls in the public veneration of the virgin martyrs may date back as far as the busts themselves, to the thirteenth or fourteenth century.

Similar to other biographies of saintly women composed in the Archdiocese of Cologne in the thirteenth century, the Ursula busts also presented role models in a visual form for women who sought predecessors and prototypes for their spiritual practice. Many busts were also created for the male members of the virgins' band (clerics, bishops, fathers, brothers) and made visible the importance of male authority in the virgins' lives (Holladay, 6). The Roman cemetery that was supposed to contain the virgins' remains had also served or the burials of men and children. The male busts probably responded to the physical remains excavated in the cemetery. While the busts of men would have addressed the male devotees of the Ursula cult, they would have also reminded female viewers of the authority figures on whom their spiritual and physical well being depended (Holladay, 6).

There were two other works created to support the interpretation of the busts as visualizing spiritual guides and role models for the young women of Cologne. During the middle of the thirteenth century, an early example of the Schutzmantel Ursula appeared. The image was used on the seal of the abbess at the Holy Virgins. It showed the saint extending her wide mantel over the members of her band and recent followers, promising protection to those who entrust themselves to her care (Holladay, 7). Along with the Schutzmantel Ursula, there is a pair of large winged altarpieces that were made in Cologne in about 150. In the shrine at the altar's interior, full-length figures of the apostles attend the Coronation of the Virgin in the upper row. In the lower, register busts of the Ursula virgins sit in individual compartments around a niche for a particularly prized relic. The Ursula busts, in the altarpiece or individually, send a message of inclusion and mark a positive role fore women within the organized structure of the church.

Although the history of these saints of Cologne is obscure and very short, their cult was very widespread, and it would require a volume to relate in detail its many and remarkable manifestations. To mention only two characteristics, since the twelfth century a large number of relics have been sent from Cologne, not only to neighboring countries but also throughout Western Christendom, and even India and China. The legend of the Eleven Thousand Virgins has inspired a host of works of art, several of them of the highest merit, the most famous being the paintings of the old masters of Cologne, those of Memling at Bruges, and of Carpaccio at Venice.

St. Ursula is the patron saint of Catholic education (especially of girls), Cologne, Germany, educators, holy death, schoolchildren, students, and teachers. She is represented by an arrow, a clock, a maiden shot with arrows, often accompanied by a varied number of companions who are being martyred in assorted, often creative ways, and a ship. She is even cited in helping Christopher Columbus name the Virgin Islands. 14, Christopher Columbus had been searching for a route to India and in doing so; Columbus named the beautiful islands The Virgins in reference to the legendary beauty of St. Ursula and her 11,000 virgins. The legend of St. Ursula and her companions lives on to provide men and women with Christian faith across the world.

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Configuration Management and Version Control

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Within this report I will discuss why software configuration management is important. I will introduce four principals of configuration management; configuration management planning, change management, version & release management and system building. I will also cover standards within configuration management and version identification.

Lehman's first 'law' draws attention to a basic property of software systems, which is they evolve or die. One reason there is software change is new requirements, improvements are thought up and old ones become obsolete, evolving technology may cause this. Lehman's second 'law' points to a fundamentally important precept that, when there is software change work has to be done to preserve quality of structure, let alone improve it if need be.

Configuration management

Configuration management is the development and application of standards and procedures for managing an evolving systems product. As discussed above there is many reasons for management of systems, another reason is many different versions within one system. Different versions involve proposals for change, corrections of faults and adaptations for alternate hardware or operating systems. Configuration management keeps a track of all changes made and how these changes have been implemented into the software. Configuration management procedures define how to record and process proposed system changes, relating to system components and methods used to identify versions of system. Configuration management tools are used to store versions of system components, build systems from components supplied and track the releases of version to the customer. Configuration management is sometimes seen as a general software quality management process this could be because manager share quality management and configuration management responsibilities. I have produced a simple diagram to clearly show the root from developer to configuration management;

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Configuration managers are responsible for keeping track of differences between versions, ensuring new versions are derived in a controlled way and releasing new versions to correct customers at correct time. I can here you saying why have different configurations? The answer is many reasons for different configuration;

· Different computers (dell,hp)

· Different operating systems (linux,windows)

· Different client-specific functions

This diagram shows an example piece of software with different configuration and how one configuration can have others based on it.

Configuration management standards

Configuration management process and associated documents should be based on standards such as IEEE 88-18, which defines standards for configuration management plans. The standard should be published in the configuration management handbook or part of the quality handbook. Many standards can be used because all include important comparable processes. Taking some models as examples, ISO 000 and SEI's capability maturity model, organisations must define and follow formal configuration management standards for quality certification. Waterfall model the software is delivered to configuration management team after development complete and individual components tested. The team then takes control of builds and testing of complete system. If any faults are discovered during testing, the specific component is passed back to developer for repair then passed back to configuration management when fault is fixed. This approach influenced the development of configuration management standards and these have an embedded assumption that a waterfall model of the software process will be used for system development. Some organisations have therefore developed to configuration management that supports concurrent development and system testing. This relies on very regular (daily) build if the whole system from its components-

· Time will be set for component delivery. All new versions must be delivered even if incomplete but should provide some functionality.

· New version is built, linking all components to make complete system.

· It's then sent for testing, developers still work on components on previous faults and functionality.

· Faults found are documented and returned. These are repaired for next version.

Advantages of using daily builds include, problems can be found that stem from component interaction early in the software creation, it encourages thorough unit testing of components. Developer are put under pressure not to 'break the build' which causes whole system to fail. Breaking the build refers to the developer delivering a component with errors that wont allow the whole to compile therefore the build will fail, meaning time wasted. Another pro would be less system time is spent discovering and coping with faults that should be found within unit testing. Daily builds need very stringent change management process to keep track of problems that have been discovered and repaired. It also leads to a large number of system and component versions. Good configuration management is therefore essential for this approach to work successfully.

Configuration management planning

Configuration management planning is a plan describing the standards and procedures used for the configuration management. The start point for the plan is a general set of company-wide configuration management standards and are adapted as necessary for each specific project. Configuration management plans should be organised into chapters and include-

· Definition of entities to manage and formal scheme of identifying entities

· Person responsible for configuration management procedures and submitting controlled entities to configuration management team

· Configuration management policies for change and version management

· Tools to be used and processes to be applied when using the tools

· Definition of configuration management database which is used to record configuration information

The most important part of the plan is the definition of responsibilities- who is responsible for delivery of each document or software component to quality team and configuration management. The person responsible for document delivery is not always same person who produced it. This makes it convenient to make project manager/team leader responsible for all documents produced by the team.

Configuration management documents

Large pieces of software will have thousands of documents many being technical documents which present snap shots of ideas for further development; theses are documents subject to frequent and regular change. Other documents include memos, meeting minutes, plans and proposals etc. During the configuration management planning process, you decide exactly which items are to be controlled documents or groups of related documents are to be put under configuration control, these are know as formal documents or configuration items. Projects plans, specifications, design, programs and pre-defined test data suites are maintained as configuration items, documents necessary for future maintenance should be controlled. The document-naming scheme assigns a unique name to all documents under configuration control. If there are relationships between these documents e.g. design documents will be associated with programs, the relations can be recorded by organising the naming scheme so that related documents have common roots to their name, leading to a hierarchical naming scheme. I have produced an example of a document configuration hierarchy.

The initial part of the hierarchy would be the project name, in the project there are four separate tools with the tool name used as next part of the name. Each tool is made up of different named modules which shows two formal documents are required for each managed entity, these are code of the components and set of tests for code. Upon reading about the document-naming scheme I can see one flaw, its project based meaning not reusable for other projects.

Configuration management database

The configuration management database is used to record all relevant information relating to configurations. Database functions are to assist with assessing the impact of the system change and provide management information about configuration management process. Also defining the configuration database schema with procedures for recording and retrieving project information also defined as part of configuration management planning process. The database will provide the answers to the following queries-

· Which customer have which version

· What hardware and o/s is required for version

· How many versions are there and when was they created

· What version relies on particular components

· Outstanding changes required on version

· How many report faults exist on version

Tools

Configuration data should be integrated with version management system. Case tools makes it possible to link changes directly with documents and components affected by change. Links between documents such as design documents and code may be maintained so that it's relatively easy to find everything that must be modified when a change is proposed. Many companies don't use integrated case tools for configuration management but maintain their configuration database as a separate system. The configuration items may be stored in files or in a version management system such as RCS, a well-known version management system for unix. This configuration database stores information about configuration items and references file names in the version management system. Its cheep and flexible but the disadvantages are configuration items may be changed without going through the configuration database and cant be sure configuration database is up-to-date.

Change management

Change is a fact of life for large systems. A defined change management process and associated case tool ensure changes are recorded and applied in a cost-effective way. Change management process comes into effect when associated document put under the control of the configuration management team. May be initiated during system testing or after customer delivery. The first stage of change management is CRF change request form where requests sets out change required to the system. Here is an example of a change management process-

complete(CRF) analyse change request if valid assess how to do change record in database submit to control board if accepted repeat make change

record submit to quality management

until quality adequate

create new version

As well as recording changes, CRF records recommendations regarding the change, estimate cost and dates when change was requested, approved, implemented and validated. CRF should be registered in the configuration database so configuration management team can track status.

Version management and identification

Version and release management are the processes of identifying and keeping track of different versions of the system. Version managers devise procedures to ensure versions may be retrieved when required and are not accidentally changed. They work with customer liaison staff to plan when new releases of system should be distributed. New versions should allows be created by configuration management, this makes it easier to maintain consistency in the configuration database as only the configuration management team can change version information. A system version is an instance of a system that differs from other instances. New versions may have different functionality, performance or may repair system faults. Some versions may have the same functions but are designed for different hardware of software configuration. If there is only a small difference one is called a variant of the other. A system release is a version with the intention to be distributed to the customer, each system release should either include new functionality or be intended for different hardware platform. There will be many more versions than releases because versions are created within an organisation for internal development or testing but not released to customer. Version management is always supported by case tools, which manage the store of each version and control access to components. Large pieces of software have hundreds of software components each way exist in many different versions. Version management should define unambiguous way of identifying each component version, specific versions of components may be recovered for further change. There are three basic techniques which may be used for component identification-

· Version numbering given unique version number

· Attribute-based identification- given name (not unique across versions) and set of attributes that differ in each version.

· Change-oriented identification

Version numbering

In version numbering the system name is joined to version number to create version id- excel .6. Excel is the system name and .6 is the unique version number. A first version could be v1.0 so the next would be v1.1, v1., unless it's a release therefore it would be v.0.Next versions on from this can be v.1, v.. It's a linear one based on the assumption that versions are created in sequence. Here is a diagram to try and make it clear-

The diagram arrows indicate from which version the new one was produced v1. was produced from v1.1. New versions can be produced from older version not just previous version as can be seen when v. is created from v1.. This can happen because problems in v.0 and v.1 have required them to revert back to their last working version. Version numbering is simple but needs good deal of associated information management to keep track of differences. Makes it hard to see which versions have which components.

Attribute based identification

Problems with explicit version naming schemes are that they don't reflect the many different attributes that may be used to identify versions. Examples of these identifying attributes are-

· Customers

· Development language

· Development status

· Hardware platform

· Creation date

If each version is identified by unique set of attributes, it's easy to add new versions that are derived from any of the existing versions. Identified by attribute value, they share most values with their parent version so relationships are maintained. Versions can be retrieved by specifying attribute values, with queries such as the most recently created, range of date etc. Example-

NJA0(lang=java, plat=nt4, date=june18)

Attribute-based identification may be implanted directly by version management system. More commonly, however its implemented on top of a hidden version naming scheme and the configuration database maintains links between identifying attributes and underlying system and component versions.

Change oriented identifying

Attribute based of system versions remove some of the problems of version retrieval that are found with simple numbering schemes. Problem is operator needs to know attributes to retrieve and need to use change management system to get relation between version and changes. Change oriented identification is used for systems rather than components so that versions of individual components are hidden from users of the configuration management system. Change sets may be applied in sequence so that in principle at least a version of the system that incorporates any arbitrary set of changes may be created. Therefore, no explicit version identification is required. The configuration management interacts with the version management system indirectly through the change management system.

Within this report I have explained why and how configuration management is used and the processes to do so and covered version management. If you wish to find more information within this subject here are the materials I have used.

Materials used

www.ask.com

www.google.com

'Software Engineering- concepts and management' by Allen Macro

'Software Engineering' by Ian Sommerville

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My upbringing has taught me the significance of initiative, discipline and academic excellence. My childhood experiences have given me a good understanding of my culture and human relationships. My education has given me good analytical and problem-solving skills and the courage to face competition successfully. (Inspite of doing my undergrad in business administration I did well in technical school ,IIT, as well as in B.com(Hons) at the same time. ) Through my background and experiences, I have developed a yearning to push myself to the limit and live up to my true potential. That's the way I have always wanted to be, and is the way I want to be in the future.

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Kawawhakaruruhau - Colonisation and the effects on Maori Health

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The socio political events that followed the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi had a negative impact upon Mâori health that still hasn't been redressed. Through mass land loss during colonisation, Mâori lost much of their traditional ways of doing. Urbanisation and Whanau structural breakdown were compounded by rising unemployment, which, in turn, had disastrous effects on Mâori health. With papatuanuku (earth mother) holding significant spiritual value to Mâori, the loss of their ancestral land is a significant factor in understanding Mâori health today. This essay will endeavour to focus on the socio political events that have resulted in the unemployment of Mâori and how this has impacted upon the health status of Mâori.

On February 6th 1840, Mâori Chiefs and representatives of the British Crown, gathered at Waitangi (and later at other points around the country) to sign - what was lorded as a promise of partnership, the guarantee of sovereignty of Mâori the Treaty. In reality, it was the formalisation of the colonisation of Aotearoa / New Zealand, the day the country became part of the British Empire. The avenue for which land could be acquired to accommodate Britain's growing population of dissatisfied poor. Despite the promise of protection by the Queen of England through the signing of the Treaty, the Crown systematically pillaged Mâori land through conspiracy, alienation, theft and the enforcement of English laws and governance on the Indigenous people of Aotearoa. (Belich, 16).

Prior to colonisation, Mâori had established a prosperous economy providing goods and services essential to the arriving settlers. Iwi and Hapu developed lucrative trading systems with whalers, exchanging produce and pork for necessary items and many Mâori became entrepreneurs by pursuing International trade through the sale of edible fungus in China and digging Kauri gum (Crockett, 000). Mâori were intrinsically entwined with the land. Tangata Whenua (people belonging to their land) relied on the land and sea for survival and, in return, held the land in the greatest esteem. As it provided sustenance and was an integral part of culture, land was treated with the utmost respect and value (Normann & Winiata, 10).

In signing the Treaty, Mâori understood, under article , that they would retain full rangatiratanga (chieftainship) of their land, agreeing to sell to a representative purchaser of the Queen, only that land they were willing to sell for an agreed upon price between the owner and the buyer (Orange, 1). What followed was the systematic betrayal of the fundamental essence of the Treaty of Waitangi through corrupt land acquisition, which stripped Mâori of their ancestral land. Mâori generally cooperated with settlers in the period up to 1860, despite breeches of the Treaty with the 185 Constitution Act whereby European men who owned land were given the vote and the opportunity to stand for election but these rights weren't accorded to Mâori men because of the fact their land was communally owned. Unrest amongst Mâori was evident by 1858, with many Iwi banning land sales which frustrated settlers and the Government as sheep farming was gaining popularity and required large areas of land to be viable. With laws in place that enabled land confiscation of rebels, the Government provoked war by selling land that was under dispute in Waitara in 185. When Taranaki Mâori fought back, wide scale confiscation of land followed throughout Taranaki and then in Waikato (Belich, 18).

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Land wars in the 1860's meant Mâori were displaced from prime productive land to swampy back blocks. Unsurprisingly, it was at this time, Mâori succumbed to the newly introduced diseases of measles and tuberculosis. Alcohol was also destroying many Mâori lives, stripping away traditional values and causing economic hardship. With the means by which they survived stripped away, Mâori health suffered and extinction was being faced by the end of the 1th Century with a population of 40,000 and a life expectancy of 4 for Women and 8 for Men. With culture repressed, land consumed by settlers and the Crown and health and well being in a precarious state, Mâori were in a dire predicament (Belich, 16)

With viable production from what land Mâori had left at a minimum and a capitalist society now in place, traditional Whanau structures were breaking apart. Mâori were forced to move into nuclear families, an alien concept, and leave their land in search of paid employment. Whilst many jobs Mâori found were seasonal, a lot were casual as employment was gained in public works and the private sector. Mâori worked on the farms of settlers (there's a certain irony in this), on the railways and once refrigeration was introduced, in the freezing works (Mikare, 14). Some Iwi maintained what economic control they could and the fact that Mâori owned and operated 5 of the commercial fishing vessels in the early 100's, is evidence of this but for most Mâori, it was a case of participating in, an European economic structure, rather than maintaining their autonomy from it (Moon, 00).

The Government of the time ensured Mâori remained disadvantaged with the passing of many acts designed to alienate them. In 1871, the Native Schools Amendment Act set out that teaching in schools would be conducted in English only. This was one of the founding factors in the subsequent loss of Mâori language by following generations. In 1880, the Mâori Prisoners Act made provisions that allowed for Mâori to be imprisoned without trial. The 1886 Native Lands Administration Act disallowed communal ownership of land, an inherent feature of Mâori land ownership. This allowed Mâori land to be handed to small groups of trustees and subsequently sold. In 184, the Advances to Settlers Act gave loans to white settlers at a low interest rate, so they could purchase land from the Government for development. With the Government conspiring against Mâori on many facets, issues regarding their treatment and the Treaty were gaining momentum amongst Mâori (Murphy (ed) 17).

During the 1870's, Mâori devoted a lot of time to discussing ways in which to have their land returned and their mana retained and in 188 a Nga Puhi delegation petitioned Queen Victoria, regarding their grievances with their Treaty partner and asked for her to initiate an investigation into the abuse of Mâori authority. They were also seeking consent to form a Mâori Parliament to run along side the European one (Murphey (ed), 17). Mâori, at this time, had only four seats in Parliament, which were obtained at a time when Mâori still owned much of the land. It appears that the 1867 bill was passed so that it would look as though Mâori had some influence in the Governance of Aotearoa / New Zealand although this was not the case as Mâori only had four voices (seats in Parliament) out of seventy and combined with language barriers, Mâori found the representation of little use (Belich, 16). This, however, did not stop Mâori attempting to utilise the constitutional process. Hone Heke, the Northern Mâori representative presented a bill in 184 that would give Mâori a separate constitution with Mâori property administration being the main intention. Heke outlined in his bill that, in accordance with the Treaty of Waitangi, Mâori should be allowed their own governance and to administer their own land (McIntyre & Gardener (eds), 171). The majority needed in Parliament for Heke's bill to be passed was not obtained.

With the establishment of capitalism in Aotearoa / New Zealand, came the inevitable class disparities that go hand in hand with it. Mâori, displaced through their land loss became the unskilled, low paid worker, which contributed to the ever-widening socio economic gap (Belich, 16). Decimation of spiritual as well as economic and traditional way of life because of land loss, coupled with a change of diet, meant that Mâori health suffered (Hand, May 18). Dr (Rangimarie) Rose Pere identified in her model of health Te Wheke (the octopus) the uniqueness of Mâori health and that many factors contribute to health and well being. She built her model around eight components Wairuatanga, Hinengara, Tinana, Whanaungatanga, Whatumanawa, Mauri, Mana ake and Te hâ a koro mâ a kui mâ (spirituality, mental well being, physical well being, extended family, emotions, life force, unique identity and inherited strengths) with each concept (tentacle) being intrinsically related to each other (Pere, 17). It is obvious to see that colonisation removed the foundations Mâori require to maintain health and well-being.

With confidence and self esteem 'part of mauri [life force], which is central to the concept of te taha hinengaro' [mental and emotional well being] (Ropiha, 1 10), it's little wonder that Mâori health continued to suffer throughout the 0th Century. In 108, the Tohunga Suppression Act effectively prohibited Tohunga from making use of their skills and imposed penalties on those who were practiced in Mâori medicine and spirituality. When the first welfare provision was introduced in 188 (Old Age Pensions Act), Mâori were not included with in these provisions. Despite this (and other) legislative violations of the Treaty, Mâori resolve continued and 108 was also notable because this was the year that the first Mâori nurse was registered. (Binney, Basset & Olssen, 10)

Welfare provisions increased throughout the early part of the 0th Century but it wasn't until the introduction of, what was termed the welfare state, by the first Labour Government that any real consideration was given to Mâaori. Labour had two Mâori MP's and was swept into power with their election campaign policy 'to set things to rights…give jobs and equality of employment opportunities…provide health and education to all…to raise the living standards of Mâori' (Sutch, 166 176). The first state houses were built in 17 but the biggest overhaul came in the form of the 18 Social Security Act. This ensured Mâori received the same benefits as Europeans for the first time and offered regular income and for many Mâori was the only option available to improve their living standards which had continued to decline through assimilation and urbanisation (Beatson, 15).

New Zealand's economy remained buoyant throughout the 140's and 50's. Wool, dairy and meat products were the countries main export earners but Mâori, instead of having the means by which to benefit substantially from the economic boom their land, they were instead employed in secondary industries. This meant that when there was a down turn in exports in the late 160's and 70's, Mâori were among the first to suffer unemployment and the effects of high inflation. This was compounded further in the 180's when privatisation and deregulation were implemented and large public companies suffered through the monopolisation of the market under these policies. This resulted in wide spread closures and redundancies within many industries and, because many communities were built around these companies, the effects of closures were catastrophic. More than 40,000 Mâori lost their jobs with the sale of state owned assets and subsequent downsizing (Beatson, 15). The impact of this can be seen in the unemployment figures for the period. Whereas there was 8.5% unemployment amongst Mâori in 186, this figure rose to 0.6% in 10. In comparison, the figures for non Mâori were % (86) and 6.5% (0) (Dept of Statistics, 1).

The health of Mâori has been poor throughout the history of colonisation. This could be the result of an unequal distribution of health services but the unfair distribution of resources that influence and enhance health are probably more influential. These resources involve, not only financial stability but also the understanding of the definition of Mâori health by Mâori. Drurie (185) states that te taha wairua (spiritual well being) is the 'basic requirement for health' (Drurie, 185 484). Land, traditions, mythology, history, family and other social relationships are all intrinsically entwined and play important parts in the development of self worth and identity for Mâori. Unemployment has a powerful effect on mental health with a resulting loss of self-esteem which was earlier shown to be central to well being. This can have a profound effect on the ability to seek employment. The resulting unemployment effects health which, in turn, reduces the likelihood of employment being gained and so a cycle of poverty begins (Drurie, 185).

Unemployment lowers the likelihood of the individual or Whanau having other health prerequisites such as education, adequate income and housing. Other factors that have found to be contributing factors in the disparities of Mâori health include a lower than needed level of access to primary health care and institutional barriers to secondary and tertiary care. Evidence throughout history shows that a person's position in society will determine their health outcome and life expectancy and this is no different today. Socio economically disadvantaged people have shorter life expectancy and greater health issues and the health of Mâori reflects this (Davis & Dew, 1). Mâori have a higher risk of heart disease, cancers and diabetes than non-Mâori. There is more likelihood that Mâori will be injured or die from violence, be hospitalised or die from road crashes, be a low birth weight baby or die during their first year of life than non Mâori. And the risk of contracting an infectious disease such as tuberculosis, rheumatic fever or pneumonia is higher in Mâori than non Mâori (Ministry of Health, 1).

Governments over the past decade have finally begun to identify and address the deficiencies that have been apparent in Mâori health needs for some time. Recognition of, not only financial hardship as a catalyst to poor health but the removal of autonomy and independence has brought with it the realisation that it is incorrect to presume that all people have the same definition of health. They have acknowledged that bi culturalism means working 'with' Tangata Whenua as equal partners and that Mâori health is multi faceted and the uniqueness of the individual needs to be acknowledged. Mâori health providers, who provide health care for Mâori by Mâori have been initiated in an attempt to stem the disproportionate numbers of Mâori suffering the effects of ill health and both the education and health sectors have introduced education programmes such as Treaty of Waitangi workshops and Kawa Whakaruruhau to ensure health professionals can learn to identify that Mâori are unique and have unique health needs, which need addressing in a culturally safe manner.

The effects of colonisation on Mâori were devastating in their impact. Mass land confiscation and theft through the legislative violations of the Treaty of Waitangi, left Mâori alienated from their traditional ways of doing and knowing. This subsequently led to unemployment once a capitalist system was in place in Aotearoa / New Zealand. With Mâori essence fundamentally entwined with their spiritual well being, being displaced from their ancestral land negatively impacted upon their health in many ways. Not only weren't they able to live the way they always had, from the land and sea but their Whanau structure was also broken up. Rose Peres Te Wheke model of Mâori health gives us an insight into the importance of ensuring that Mâori health is treated as a whole and incorporates their fundamental spiritual beliefs. Whilst there is no way to correct past wrong, the acknowledgement of Mâori rights to autonomy is the first step in a process of retribution. With health and welfare professionals learning the principles of partnership, protection and participation, it appears that the disparities in Mâori and non Mâori employment and health statistics may, in time close.

References

Beatson. P., (15), New Zealand History, New Zealand Society. Study Guide 1, Palmerston North Massey University

Belich. J., (16), Making Peoples, New Zealand Penguin Press

Belich. J., (18), New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial conflict, Auckland Penguin Press

Binney. J., Basset. J. & Olssen. E., (10), The People and the Land. Te Tangata me Te Whenua. An Illustrated History of New Zealand 180 10, Wellington Allen & Unwin

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